Sunday, January 31, 2016

GPLM Press Release

The Second Genocide is Being Committed against Unarmed Anuak Tribe in Gambella, Southwest Ethiopia, by South Sudanese Refugees with Ethiopian Government’s Approval
It is with deep sadness that we learned that the Ethiopian government has once again embarked on carrying out a massive massacre of unarmed Anuak civilians in Gambella town of southwest Ethiopia, using similar killing style of 2003. Unlike the December 2003 – which involved Ethiopian highlanders’ civilians, this time, the Ethiopian government used South Sudanese ethnic Nuers to carry out the genocide.
The Nuers who are spearheading the killing of Anuaks are going front, while the Ethiopian military accompany them in the back. Any Anuak seen carrying traditional weapon, such as a spear, is shot dead by the Ethiopian military forces. In addition, the government ordered all Anuaks in police and special force to be disarmed by the Ethiopian military. Leaving all Anuaks vulnerable to be killed. In this rampage killing, the Nuer refugees are armed with modern weapons, such as AK-47, garnets and bombs, and are allowed to kill Anuaks and loots their properties before burning their houses to ground.
For the last three months, the Governor of Gambella region Mr. Gatluak Tut – who by nationality is a South Sudanese Nuer, with the knowledge of Ethiopian government, brought many guns to Gambella town from the Sudanese Nuer rebel base of Dr. Riek Machar Teny. These guns are distributed to all Nuers living in Gambella town in preparation to commit such mass genocide-plan. What availed itself on Wednesday January 27, 2016 around 2am and continued up to-date is the execution of such an atrociousness plan. Clearly, the plan was coordinated, and it was a combination of a strategic long-term plan by the EPRDF/Ethiopian government, South Sudanese Nuers, and their rebel leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny to kill all Anuaks living in Gambella town.
Obviously, it was a continuation of the policy of genocide against the Anuaks which began its first implementation in December 2003. The Ethiopian government can not rest or stop its policy of genocide until all Anuaks are killed and the land is taken by the very government committing the genocide.
The Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM) strongly condemned this atrocity committed against our people by foreign forces with the support of the Ethiopian government and security organs. We believe such use of foreigners to kill Ethiopian nationals by the very government supposedly to protect them not only a violation of the country sovereignty and the constitution, but also is a violation of international law in the states obligation to protect it own citizens.
Thus, we calls on:
• International community to pressure the Ethiopian government to stop indirect and direct killing of Anuak civilians;
• To establish independent inquiries to investigate the massacre currently taking place in Gambella;
• The United States government and the Europeans community to pressure the Ethiopian government to desist from committing current genocide on our people;
• The United Nations and members nations, the African Union, in the East African countries to instruct the South Sudanese Nuer rebel leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny to immediately stop supplying his Nuer tribe with deadly weapons to be used against unarmed Anuak civilians and creating instability in Gambella.
• Unconditional remove and transfer South Sudanese Nuers out of Gambella immediately;
• Finally, calls on government of EPRDF to stop its divide-and-rule politics in Gambella.
Contact Number: 1(204)-218-5988 Or 1(507)-383-0534


Friday, January 29, 2016

How Ethiopia exploits AU role to suppress international criticism

Photo: Delegates listen to remarks by U.S. President Barack Obama at the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia July 28, 2015. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst
Media and civil society at the African Union’s headquarters in Addis Ababa face a stark choice: avoid criticising Ethiopia, or risk being denied access to the continental body. SIMON ALLISON reports on how the Ethiopian government uses its role as gatekeeper to the AU to keep journalists, researchers and activists in check.

ADDIS ABABA – The African Union headquarters, 24-storeys of clean lines and soaring glass, is Addis Ababa’s tallest building. It looks all wrong in the context of its dusty, low-rise surroundings (although increasingly less so, as the city develops furiously around it). It’s almost like it was accidentally transplanted from Shanghai or Beijing, which, in a way, it was – China paid for and built it. But there’s no question that it belongs. The building is Africa’s diplomatic centre, and Addis is the continent’s diplomatic capital. There’s nowhere else it could be.

The city’s starring role in continental politics began in 1963, when Ethiopia brokered a truce between two rival African blocs with different ideas of what a continental body should look like. The breakthrough conference in 1963, where the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was declared, took place in Addis Ababa, and it was only natural that the new institution should establish its headquarters there too.

Not that there wasn’t a fight. Togo spent $120 million – that was half its annual budget at the time – on a lavish new hotel and conference centre in Lomé, complete with 52 presidential villas, in an effort to persuade the OAU to move its headquarters. The bid failed, and the complex turned into a ludicrously expensive white elephant, abandoned and left derelict for decades.

Togo’s attempt to steal Addis Ababa’s thunder was only crazy because it failed. Had it worked, the investment would have looked like a small price to pay. As Ethiopia well knows, the benefits – both financial and political – far outweigh any costs associated with hosting the AU.

Let’s start with the obvious. The AU rakes in hard currency for Ethiopia. There’s the $2,000-plus a month rentals for staff villas; the restaurants, hotels and conference venues built to cope with the regular influx of summit delegates; the thousands and thousands of flight bookings – often first or business class – which have helped Ethiopian Airlines become the largest airline in Africa. The AU is a cash cow, and Ethiopia has been milking it for more than 50 years.

It’s not just about the AU itself. Almost every African country has an embassy in Addis, because they’ve all got ambassadors to the AU (Why else would the likes of beleaguered Mali, for example, maintain a mission here?). This applies to non-African countries too: Addis Ababa’s status as a diplomatic hub means it attracts more foreign representation than other African capitals of a similar size, including another vast international organisation: the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. These missions all rent offices and houses, employ local staff, and shop in local stores, as do the research organisations and NGOs who trail in their wake.

While there’s no doubt that the AU is good for the local economy, it’s also true that hosting the AU inflates Ethiopia’s influence over AU decisions. Unlike many African countries, Ethiopia is able to attend every meeting, and, as host, it is given the floor whenever it wishes. It is able to send high-level representation with ease, which can play a major factor in smaller meetings outside of summits. So far, so normal for any major diplomatic city, be it Brussels, Geneva or New York. But Ethiopia takes things even further, using its role as gatekeeper to the AU to protect itself from international scrutiny and criticism, and to monitor those who deal with the continental body.

Non-governmental organisations are particularly affected. In order to open an AU liaison office in Addis, foreign NGOs must first be registered by the Ethiopian government. This registration can be withdrawn at any time, and with it, access to the AU. Several senior staff at international NGOs and civil society organisations told the Daily Maverick that this arrangement is premised on a tacit understanding: as long as you don’t criticise Ethiopia, your registration remains intact, and you are free to interact with the AU. On occasion, this includes hiring a local employee with known links to national intelligence.

“We are very, very careful with what we say about Ethiopia. They are very sensitive, and the AU comes first for us,” said one senior NGO official, speaking on condition of anonymity - for obvious reasons.

A similar arrangement applies to journalists, who cannot receive AU accreditation without first obtaining an Ethiopian press card; the arrangement is slightly different during AU summits, although visiting journalists must still register with the government communications office. Effectively, this means that Ethiopia, a country that is notorious for its tight grip on independent media, controls who can and cannot report on the AU. Again, this forces journalists to make a trade off: either report on the AU, and stay quiet on sensitive issues in Ethiopia, such as human rights violations; or report accurately on Ethiopia and risk deportation and losing access, perhaps permanently, to the AU.

Several prominent NGOs and research organisations, such as Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group, have declined to open an office in Addis for fear of working in such sensitive conditions, and base their offices that deal with the AU, elsewhere. Likewise, most foreign correspondents choose to work from Johannesburg or Nairobi rather than Addis, even though Addis – with all its diplomatic activity and excellent air links – is a natural base. This not only protects the Ethiopian government from criticism, but weakens scrutiny of the AU itself.

The extent to which Ethiopia’s state security agency is involved in monitoring and screening people who work or visit the AU becomes obvious at the January summits held in Addis Ababa. Their involvement is so blatant, in fact, that the National Intelligence and Security Service actually produces the badges given to all attendees:

The message is unmistakeable: we are watching you.

An Ethiopian government spokesman did not respond to a request to comment for this story.

The restrictions imposed on media and NGOs have the very real consequence of minimising negative news and information coming out of Ethiopia. This is one element of a censorship regime that is working. Recently, this was apparent in the coverage – or lack thereof – of the huge Oromo protests, where affected communities demonstrated against government plans to expand Addis Ababa. An estimated 140 people were killed, but the situation barely made international news, unlike, for example, the global headlines generated by the Marikana massacre in South Africa, even though the Marikana protest was smaller and far fewer people died.

In some ways, the suppression of information about Ethiopia is a missed opportunity. The country is growing at a tremendous rate, and has made huge strides in the provision of healthcare and education. It desperately needs to improve its international image, which (unfairly) remains rooted in the famine reporting of the 1980s. There are good news stories that aren’t being told, as well as bad.

Still, for an unabashedly authoritarian government, the ability to control information flow is the most significant advantage to hosting the headquarters of the AU. Just like that shiny AU building distracts the eye from the relative poverty of the suburb around it, so hosting the AU in Addis Ababa helps to disguise and obscure the darker elements of the Ethiopian growth story. DM


ለድርቅ አደጋ የተሰጠው ምላሽ ከሚጠበቀው በታችና ነው ተባለ

ኢሳት (ጥር 20 2008)
አለም አቀፍ ማህበረሰብ ለኢትዮጵያ የድርቅ አደጋ የሰጠው ምላሽ ከሚጠበቀው በታችና አስከፊ መሆኑ አንድ አለም አቀፍ የእርዳታ ተቋም አርብ አስታወቀ።
በቀጣዩ ወር ለአስቸኳይ የምግብ እርዳታ ለተጋለጡ ሰዎች 500 ሚሊዮን ዶላር ማሰባሰብ ካልተቻለም በርካታ ሰዎች ለከፋ ችግር እንደሚጋለጡ የህጻናት አድን ድርጅቱ ገልጿል።
በኢትዮጵያ ተከስቶ ያለው የድርቅ አደጋ በሃገሪቱ ታሪክም ሆነ በሌሎች ሃገራት ካሉት ጋር ሲነጻጸር አስከፊ ቢሆንም ዓለም አቀፍ ማህበረሰብ በቂ ትኩረትን አልሰጠም ሲሉ በኢትዮጵያ የብሪታኒያ የህጻናትን አድን ድርጅት ተወካይ ሚስተር ጆን ግራም ማስታወቃቸውን ኢዩሮ ኒውስ ዘግቧል።
በአንዳንድ አካባቢዎች ድርቁ እያደረሰ ያለው ጉዳት በ1977 ተከስቶ ከነበረው የረሃብ አደጋ ጋር ተመሳሳይ እየሆነ መምጣቱን ሃላፊው ተናግረዋል።
የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅትና ሌሎች ግብረ ሰናይ ተቋማት ለአስቸኳይ ጊዜ የምግብ እርዳታ የተጋለጡ ከ 10 ሚሊዮን በላይ ሰዎች እርዳታ እየቀረበላቸው እንዳልሆነ ስጋታቸውን ሲገልጹ መቆየታቸው ይታወሳል።
ይኸው በስድስት ክልሎች ጉዳትን ኣያደረሰ ያለው ድርቅ በቀጣዮቹ ሁለት ወራቶች ውስጥ በሰው ህይወት ላይ ጉዳትን ሊያስከትል ይችላል ተብሎም ተሰግቷል።
በተለይ በድርቁ ምክንያት የዘር እህላቸው ያለቀባቸው አርሶ አደሮች ለቀጣዩ የእርሻ ወቅት የሚዘሩት እህል የሌላቸው በመሆኑ ችግሩ አስከፊ እየሆነ እንደሚቀጥል የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት አመልክቷል።
በሃገሪቱ ያለው የእርዳታ መጠንም ተረጂዎችን ለቀጣዩ ወራቶች ለማቆየት የማይበቃ መሆኑንና ጉዳዩ አሳሳቢ ደረጃ ላይ መድረሱን ድርጅቱ ገልጿል።
በቅርቡ የመንግስት ቃል አቀባይ የሆኑት አቶ ጌታቸው ረዳ ሃገሪቱ ለሶስት ወር የሚበቃ የእህል ክምችት አላት ሲሉ ከሃገር ውስጥ ጋዜጠኞች መሃገራቸው ይታወሳል።
ቃል አቀባዩ ይህንን ቢሉም የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት ለአስቸኳይ ጊዜ የምግብ እርዳታ የተጋለጡ ሰዎችን ለሁለት ወር ያህል እንኳን ለማቆይየት አስቸጋሪ መሆኑን በድጋሚ ይፋ አድርጓል።

Source : Esat

Oromo teachers, students and farmers imprisoned without any legal warrant teachers‪#‎OromoProtests‬

The following are Oromo teachers, students and farmers who are imprisoned by TPLF forces without any legal warrant. They have been arrested and jailed in Abuna, Gindebert, West Showa in December 2015 and the beginning of January 2016. They are not represented by any legal experts.
1. Moosisaa Lataa (teacher)
2. Baayisaa Dhaabaa (teacher)
3. Dhabbaa Kinfee (student)
4. Masarat Dachaa
5. Amaanuu Dachasaa
6. Shaaru Gutama
7. Lammeesaa Ergabus
8. Girmachoo Dilii
9. Obbo Lataa Hordofaa ( old man and farmer)

‪#‎BilisummaaOromoo‬-(29.01.2016, Hidhaa, Oromia) Diddaa fi Mormiin Oromoo dhaabuuf mootummaan Wayyaanee Oromoota hidhuu itti fufte.Namoonni armaan gadii kun kanneen poolisii federaalaan qabamii mana hidhaa aanaa Abuunaa Gindabarat keessatti baatii tokko oliif dararamaa jiraniidha. Erga hidhamanii kaasee, nama seeraa (abukaatoo seeraa) isaaniif dubbatu tokko illle hin qaban.
1. Barsiisaa Moosisaa Lataa
2. Barsiisaa Baayisaa Dhaabaa
3. Barataa Dhabbaa Kinfee
4. Masarat Dachaa
5. Amaanuu Dachasaa
6. Shaaru Gutama
7. Lammeesaa Ergabus
8. Girmachoo Dilii
9. Obbo Lataa Hordofaa nama umuriin isaan guddaa dha.

Hidhaan falmaa hin dhaabu!!

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Soldiers attacked Adama University students, protests underway in Oromia, Jan 4, 2016
Soldiers attacked Adama University students, protests underway in Oromia, Jan 4, 2016
In "Oromia"
#OromoProtests Continue - January 9, 2016 - Helicopter crashed
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Oromoo Somalilandii keessatti baqatanni jiraatan irraa
The Oromo community in Somaliland faces major crack down after public anger over many incidents. Today Oromo held a secret meeting in a hall in Hargeisa. It is not clear how and who printed them these flags. Somaliland is naturally opposed to many secessionist groups in Ethiopia including OLF, ONLF…
In "Oromia"

Thursday, January 28, 2016

In Ethiopia, a Mix of Regulations and Repression Silence Independent Voices

by Simegnish "Lily" Mengesha. 
After a tense year marked by widely-criticized elections in which Ethiopia’s ruling party won 100 percent of parliamentary seats, 2015 concluded with yet more repression in the East African nation. During the last weeks of December, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported the arrests of two journalists, while five Zone 9 bloggers who had been acquitted of terrorism charges in October were summoned back to court as state prosecutors appealed their earlier acquittal.
These detentions occurred amid widespread protests in Oromia state, Ethiopia’s largest region. Human Rights Watch reported that since the protests began in mid-November 2015, police and security forces had killed 140 protesters and wounded many others, while hundreds of demonstrators and activists have been jailed; Ethiopian government officials have only publicly acknowledged five deaths.
The trigger for this recent crisis was the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa. Commonly known as “The Addis Ababa Master Plan,” its implementation would have expanded the capital city into parts of the neighboring Oromia region, potentially displacing a large number of local farmers, threatening their constitutionally-protected right to livelihood, and eroding local authority. One Ethiopia analyst, Tsegaye R. Ararssa, noted that the Master Plan violated Articles 39 and 105(2) of Ethiopia’s Constitution, which authorize alterations to state boundaries only by a referendum of self-determination or a constitutional amendment. Although the government recently decided to scrap the Master Plan, the decision was made primarily to silence the protests and falls short of addressing the protestors’ underlying concerns about the lack of good governance, access to information, and freedom of expression in Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian government prides itself on having one of the world’s fastest growing economies (the International Monetary Fund ranks the country among the top five globally). But the authorities often promote growth at the expense of citizens’ basic human rights, and many citizens feel that they have not benefitted from the country’s economic growth. The United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Index ranks Ethiopia 174 out of 187 countries, and despite the government’s growth plans, 29 percent of Ethiopia’s population lives below its national poverty line.
The recent Oromia protests are a clear indication of what happens when the population feels that development is being imposed. If the government genuinely believes in inclusive economic growth, its plans would benefit from better communication with the people. Instead, the authorities have closed most venues for two-way communication and use state media to control media narratives and disseminate propaganda about their development plans.
In my January 2016 Journal of Democracy article, I describe how Ethiopia’s authorities have used legal and economic methods to suppress civil society and independent media. Ethiopia’s criminal code and press law, which have long been highly restrictive, have tightened significantly in the years since Ethiopia’s 2005 general elections, when mass protests erupted over vote-rigging allegations. Media repression became even more organized and systematic in 2009 after Ethiopia adopted the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP). Ostensibly intended to counter security threats, since its adoption the ATP has only ever been used to bring charges against political activists and members of independent media.
The Civil Society Proclamation (CSP), adopted in 2009 around the same time as the ATP, has also curtailed the efforts of most human rights organizations. Restrictions on foreign funding and regulations which limit how much a civil society organization (CSO) can dedicate toward its administrative and operations costs make it extremely difficult for CSOs to survive. According to one study, the number of federally-registered local and international CSOs in Ethiopia dropped by 45 percent (from 3,800 to 2,059) between 2009 and 2011. Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Agency (CSA) claimed in 2014 that 3,174 CSOs were registered in Ethiopia, but a 2014 study by the joint European Union’s Civil Society Fund (EU-CSF II) found that of the total number of CSOs registered by Ethiopia’s Civil Society Agency, only 870 were actually operational. USAID’s 2014 CSO Sustainability Index for Sub-Saharan Africa noted that the impact of CSOs in Ethiopia is limited by national policies, funding restrictions, and a lack of government interest.
As a result of policies like these, platforms which normally serve to facilitate communication and feedback between government and citizens, such as media and civil society organizations, have been silenced by heavy government censorship and the criminalization of dissent. The lack of accountable communication channels makes the population feel alienated from the government, and the only remaining avenue for the public to express its concerns—peaceful demonstration—typically results in a harsh crackdown, as the last few months have shown.  In December, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn appeared on state television to defend the government’s use of physical repression against Oromia protestors, saying the government will take “merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.”
These remarks betray the authorities’ insecurity. The increased intensity of repression against independent media, associations, and civil society organizations reflect a government that feels threatened by independent voices. Like most authoritarian regimes, Ethiopia’s government worries that the more informed and connected the people are, the more empowered they will be to hold the government to account. In other words, Ethiopia’s attempt to gag the media and choke civil society is not a sign of the government’s strength, but rather of its weakness.
Simegnish "Lily" Mengesha is a visiting fellow and former Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy’s International Forum for Democratic Studies. A seasoned journalist, media consultant, and translator, she previously served as director of the Ethiopian Environment Journalists Association.
The views expressed in this post represent the opinions and analysis of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff.
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ኦህዴድ ከፍተኛ አመራሮችን ከስልጣን ሊያነሳ እንደሆነ ተገለጸ

ኢሳት (ጥር 19 ፥ 2008)
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦህዴድ) ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ በስራ አስፈጻሚ ደረጃ አስቸኳይ ስብሰባ መቀመጡ ታወቀ።
የኦሮሚያ ክልል ፕሬዚደንት አቶ ሙክታር ከድር እየተገመገሙ እንደሆነና ስልጣናቸውን ሊለቁ እንደሚችሉ ለኢሳት የደረሰው መረጃ ያመለክታል።
ከጨፌ ኦሮሚያ የውስጥ ምንጮች ለኢሳት የደረሰው መረጃ እንደሚያመለክተው፣ ኦህዴድ በመላው የኦሮሚያ አካባቢ የተቀጣጠለውን ህዝባዊ እምቢተኝነት ቁልፍ አመራር እየገመገመ መሆኑ ታውቋል።
የድርጅቱ ማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴና ስራ አስፈጻሚው ግምገማውን በአቶ ሙክታር ላይ በማተኮር ግምገማ እያደረገ እንደሆነ ከስፍራው የደረሰው ዜና ያስረዳል። የግምገማው ውጤትም አቶ ሙክታር ከድርን ከፕሬዚደንትነት በማንሳት ሊጠናቀቅ እንደሚችል የውስጥ ምንጮች ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል። በአቶ ሙክታር ከድር ምትክ የገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ኤጀንሲ ዋና ዳይሬክተር አቶ በክር ሻሌ የኦሮሚያ ክልል ፕሬዚደንት ይሆናሉ ተብሎ እንደሚጠበቅ ለማወቅ ተችሏል።
ግምገማው ከአቶ ሙክታር ከድር በተጨማሪ የኦህዴድ ጽ/ቤት ሃላፊ አቶ ዳባ ደበሌ ከስልጣናቸው ሊነሱ እንደሚችሉ የኢሳት የጨፌ ኦሮሚያ የውስጥ ምንጮች ግምታቸውን ገልጸዋል።
በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የኦህዴድ ስራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ የኦሮሞ ብሄረሰብ ተወላጅ የሆኑ ነጋዴዎችን ለይቶ ለማወያየት ውሳኔ ማሳለፉን ከስፍራው የደረሰን መረጃ ያመለክታል። በክልል ደረጃ የኦሮሞ ባለሃብቶችን በመሰብሰብ በወቅታዊ የህዝብ ንቅናቄ ላይ ለማወያየት የታቀደው በየአካባቢው የተደረገው ተመሳሳይ እንቅስቃሴ ውጤት አልባ መሆኑን ተከትሎ ነው። በቅርቡ በአቶ ዱላ ገመዳና በሌሎቹ የኦህዴድ አመራሮች ተጠርቶ በነበረው የኦሮሞ ባለሃብቶች ስብሰባ ላይ ባለሃብቶቹ ጥቁር ለብሰው በመምጣት የመንግስት የግድያ ዕርምጃ መቃወማቸው ይታወሳል።

Human Rights Watch says repression worsening in East Africa

ESAT News (January 27, 2016)
Governments in East Africa made little or no progress on human rights in 2015,   Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2016.
“Ethiopia and Burundi, and to some extent Uganda, experienced worsening restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and other rights in the lead up to or after elections,” according to the report.
In his introductory essay, Executive Director Kenneth Roth writes that “the spread of terrorist attacks beyond the Middle East and the huge flows of refugees spawned by repression and conflict led many governments to curtail rights in misguided efforts to protect their security. At the same time, authoritarian governments throughout the world, fearful of peaceful dissent that is often magnified by social media, embarked on the most intense crackdown on independent groups in recent times.”
Elections and counterterrorism were two significant themes affecting political and human rights developments in East Africa in 2015, Human Rights Watch said.
“Ethiopia’s May elections were peaceful but utterly non-competitive due to years of repression: the ruling party swept all 547 parliamentary seats. While a few individual bloggers and journalists were released from prison, the government failed to reform the draconian legislation and abusive policies used to systematically suppress independent journalists, activists, and the political opposition. Despite the repression, a new protest movement emerged in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, in mid-November, catalyzed by concern over a government plan to expand the capital and potentially displace ethnic Oromo farmers from their land. The government swiftly deployed military force against the largely peaceful protests, and scores were killed and injured,” the report said.
“Governments across East Africa should stop violating rights in an effort to retain power,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “And governments should stop scapegoating human rights organizations and the media and investigate and prosecute unlawful killings by their security forces.”

Tuesday, January 26, 2016

this victim of barbaric torture is identified. He is ADDISU TARIKU who was arrested in Arjo Gudetu

#OromoProtests this victim of barbaric torture is identified. He is ADDISU TARIKU who was arrested in Arjo Gudetu, east...
Posted by Jawar Mohammed on Tuesday, January 26, 2016

#OromoProtests Zerihun Jiregna Beyene, one of the three people who were shot yesterday died

#OromoProtests Zerihun Jiregna Beyene, one of the three people who were shot yesterday ( Jan 25, 2016) in Arjo Gudetu...
Posted by Jawar Mohammed on Tuesday, January 26, 2016

ገዢው ፓርቲ የህዝብን ተቃውሞ ለማብረድ የሚወስደው እርምጃ የይስሙላ ነው ሲሉ አባላቱ ገለጹ

ገዥው ፓርቲ ኢህአዴግ ከሕዝቡ እየደረሰበት ያለውን ተቃውሞ ለማርገብ ከክልል አስከ ቀበሌ ባሉት መዋቅሮቹ
አባሎቹን ማባረር ቢጀምርም ከፍተኛ አመራሩን ያላካተተ መሆኑ ከወዲሁ በራሱ አባሎች ተቃውሞ እያስከተለበት ነው።
ኢህአዴግ በነሀሴ ወር 2007 ዓ.ም በመቀሌ ከተማ ባካሄደው 10ኛው ድርጅታዊ ጉባዔው የመልካም አስተዳደር
ችግሮች ከፍተኛ ደረጃ መድረሳቸውን በማመን የማጥራት ሥራው ከከፍተኛ አመራሩ ጀምሮ እንዲካሄድ ውሳኔ ያሳለፈ ይሁን
እንጂ ከፍተኛ አመራር ውስጥ በሙስና የሚጠረጠሩት ነባሮቹ የህወሀት አመራሮች ከመሆናቸው ጋር ተያይዞ ቁርጠኛ
እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ሳይችል ቀርቶአል፡፡
ግንባሩ ሕዝቡን በመልካም አስተዳደር ችግሮች ላይ እርምጃ እየወሰድኩኝ ነው ለማለት ያህል የመልካም አስተዳደር
ንቅናቄ በሚል ትልልቆቹን ሙሰኞች በጉያው አቅፎ የወረዳና ቀበሌ አመራሮችን ወደማባረር ማዘንበሉ የግንባሩ ውሳኔ
መተግበር እንደማይችል ፍንጭ ያሳየበት ተጨባጭ ክስተት ነው ሲሉ አባሎቹ እየተቹት ነው።
ሰሞኑን በአማራ ክልል ለድርቅ ተጎጆዎች የመጣ የእርዳታ እህል ለግል ጥቅማቸው አውለዋል የተባሉ፣ በመሬት ወረራ
የተጠረጠሩ፣ በመልካም አስተዳደር ችግር ፈጥረዋል የተባሉ ከክልል እስከ ቀበሌ ያሉ አመራሮችና 45 የፖሊስ
አባላት የተባረሩ መሆኑን በመንግስት መገናኛ ብዙሃን የተገለጸ ሲሆን፣ በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ በትግራይ፣ በደቡብ፣
በኦሮሚያና በሌሎችም ክልሎች የማባረር የዘመቻ ስራው የቀጠለ መሆኑ ታውቆአል፡፡ ሆኖም የካቢኔ አባላት የሆኑ
በሚኒስትር፣ በኮምሽነር፣ በዋና ዳይሬክተርና በጠ/ሚኒስትሩ አማካሪነት ደረጃ የተቀመጡ ሙሰኞች ምንም ሳይነኩ
ይባስኑም በእነሱ አመራር ሰጪነት እየተካሄደ ያለው የማባረር ዘመቻ ለኢህአዴግ አባከላት ራሱ አስቂኝ መሆኑንና
ጉዳዩ ውስጣዊ ቅራኔን በመፍጠር ላይ መሆኑን የግንባሩ ምንጮቻንን ገልጸዋል።
አንዳንድ የኢህአዴግ አባላት የታችኛው አመራር ህገወጥነትንና ሌብነትን የተማረው ከከፍተኛዎቹ ነው በማለት
የማጥራት ስራው ግልጽ በሆነ መንገድ ከከፍተኛ አመራሮች ካልጀመረ በስተቀር በየወረዳውና ቀበሌው እየዞሩ ሰዎች
ከስራ ማፈናቀሉ ብቻውን ለውጥ አያመጣም በማለት በግልጽ መሞገት መጀራቸውን አባላት ተናግሯል።
ጠ/ሚኒስትር አቶ ሃይለማርያም የመልካም አስተዳደር ችግርን በተመለከተ ከከፍተኛ አመራሮቻቸው ጋር በቅርቡ
ባደረጉት ውይይት በሚኒስትር ደረጃ ያሉ ከፍተኛ አመራሩ ጭምር በኔትወርክ የተሳሰረና በደላላ የሚመራ መሆኑን
ተናግረው ነበር።
Source :

Monday, January 25, 2016

OFC Leaders and other Oromo Political Prisoners are at Hunger strike in Makalawi

OFC Leaders and other Oromo Political Prisoners are at Hunger strike in Makalawi
Information leaked from Makalawi says OFC leaders along with others are at hunger strike in Makalawi.
That reason why they started the strike
👉🏿Inhuman and degrading treatment
👉🏿because they are denied the right to be visited by a family member send leg out counsel
👉🏿they were not allowed to get books to read ; many were kept in small rooms about the carrying capacity of the rooms ; were detained in safocated rooms that do not have air, and is very risky for their health condition.
They demanded the police officer in charge to come and talk to them but nobody responded to their demand.
It is third day since they started that strike. Since then the police guards at the gate refuses to accept foods from them and finally they just started to tell them "they're not here go home with you foods".
👉🏿It is reported that some of these prisoners including the prominent leader Bekele Gerba were brought before Federal first instance court, Arada bench.(chilot)
👉🏿Some of them are here:
1- Mr. Bekele Gerba: First vice-Chairman of OFC
2- Mr. Dejene Tafa: Vice Secretary of OFC
3-Mr. Desta Dinka: Chairman of MEDREK/OFC youth league and member of OFC’s audit team
4-Mr. Gurmessa Ayano: Vice-Chairman of OFC youth league and member of MEDREK’s public relations affair committee
6- Mr. Addisu Bullala: Head of public relations of OFC’s youth league; Editor in chief of SAFUU magazine
7- Mr. Dereje Merga: Head of the organizational affairs of the OFC youth league
8- Mr. Alemu Abdisa: Secretary General of OFC’s youth league
9- Mr. Tahir: Central Committee member of OFC
10- Mr. Esmael: Representative of OFC in Ilu Ababora zone, Darmo district; among others, whose peaceful struggle.
Hidhamtoonni Oromoo Maa'ikalaawii keessatti argaman nyaata Lagatan!
Hidhamtootni Oromoo Maa'ikalaawii jiran nyaata lagatuusaanii dhageenye. Nyaata lagachuu (Hunger strike) kana erga jalqaban har'a guyyaa sadeessoo ta'eera.Maatii fi keessa beektonni akka jedhanitti meeshaa nyaata itti geessinu nuuf deebisaa hin jirani, nu dhedheekkamanii gaafa nuti meeshaa gaafannu foolisotnii Maa'ikalaawii 'wedebet temelasu yelem' nuun jechaa jiru. Nama muraasa kutaa duraan keessa jiran irraa baasanii bakka biraa ijijjiiranii jiraachuulle beekkameera.
'har'a eegumsi fi sakatta'iinsi jiru hamaa akka ta'e fi
Murteen nyaata lagachuu hoggantoota OFC Obboo Baqqalaa Garbaa, Obboo Dajanee Xaafaa fi hidamtooti Oromoo mana hidhaa wayyaanee Maa'ikalaawiitti hidhamanii har'as guyyaa sadaffaaf itti fufuun
Gaafiillee armaan gadii akka hatattamaan isaaniif deebi'u gaafachaa akka jiran beekameera.
1-Kan hidhamne mana Dukkana keessatti
2-Kitaabi nuuf hin galu, ciisichii keenya dhiphaa fi Kan kutaan keessa jiru qilleensa kan hin arganneedha.
3-foolisootni fi qorattootni naamusaan nu dubbisaa hin jirani, seera biyyatti cabsuun nu reebaa jiru.
4-Maatii keenya wajjin wal arguu nu dhowwaniiru Kan jedhu fi gaafiillee adda addaa gaafachaa akka jiran beekameera. Kana malees
Koomishinarri foolisii haga dhufee nu dubbisutti hin dhaabnu jedhanii jedhan haga yoonaa ammoo koomishnarri deemee hin dubbisnee.
sababa kanaan Miidhaa hamaa tu irra ga'aa jira. gaafiillee isaaniif deebiin Hanga ammaa kennamtees akka hin jirre beekameera.
‪#‎OromoProtests‬ ‪#‎FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners‬
‪#‎FreeBekeleGerba‬ ‪#‎FreeDejeneTafa‬
La luta continua

OFC Leaders and other Oromo Political Prisoners are at Hunger strike in...
Posted by Nageessaa Oddoo Duubee on Monday, January 25, 2016

#OromoProtests this was Bari Sayid Ali who was killed on january 5, 2016 Masala town

#OromoProtests this was Bari Sayid Ali who was killed on january 5, 2016 Masala town, in West Hararge. His body was...
Posted by Jawar Mohammed on Monday, January 25, 2016

Brit on Ethiopia death row “begging for mercy”, as questions raised over UK approach

January 25, 2016

A British activist held under sentence of death in Ethiopia has demanded to know what his fate will be, amid concerns over the UK government’s approach to the case. 
A recent Foreign Office visit to Andargachew ‘Andy’ Tsege – a British father of three, who was kidnapped and rendered to Ethiopia in 2014 – revealed new concerns over his detention. The notes, made by the Deputy Ambassador to Ethiopia after the Boxing Day visit, show that some 18 months after his kidnap and rendition, Mr Tsege “hadn’t had access to a lawyer”, “was not in the system and hadn’t been given a prisoner number… didn’t even know who was really responsible for him…  nor had he received any further information on charges against him/ court dates etc.” The notes say “the main thing he wanted to know was whether he was a prisoner with genuine rights or not”, and that he said he was “in [the Ethiopian forces’] hands and begging for mercy”. 
Mr Tsege is a prominent member of the Ethiopian opposition, and was sentenced to death in absentia in 2009 in relation to his political activities. He has been unable to contact a lawyer since his arrest, and his family in London – who are assisted by human rights organization Reprieve – have been blocked from seeing him, amid fears that he may have been tortured. An expert report published this week concluded that “Mr Tsege’s mental health has declined precipitously since being detained in Ethiopia”, and that there is an “urgent need” to remove him from his current conditions.
British ministers have so far failed to request Mr Tsege’s release, and his latest comments come amid concerns over the UK’s approach to the Ethiopian in absentia convictions. In absentia trial proceedings such as Mr Tsege’s are illegal under international law, and the 2009 trial of Mr Tsege and several political activists was condemned at the time by US diplomats as “lacking in basic elements of due process.” However, in recent correspondence with human rights organization Reprieve – which is assisting Mr Tsege’s family – Foreign Office minister James Duddridge refused to confirm whether the UK accepted the validity of the death sentence. Ethiopia’s government has not said whether it will carry out the death sentence.
Yemi Hailemariam, Mr Tsege’s partner, said: “Since Andy disappeared in June 2014 our family has been living a nightmare. Andy believed in democracy above all – that’s what he respected about Britain, and it’s what he hoped for in Ethiopia. He was sentenced to death for holding these very British values – we simply can’t understand why the government he believed in isn’t standing up for him.”
Maya Foa, Director of Reprieve’s death penalty team, said: “Andy Tsege has been subjected to an outrageous, unlawful ordeal, and if the Foreign Office disagrees, it must explain why. It is unacceptable that a British citizen was sentenced to death in a political show trial – where he wasn’t present, and wasn’t even informed about the court proceedings – and then kidnapped into indefinite detention by the same brutal regime. It’s clear that there is no hope of ‘due process’ in Ethiopia’s courts, and that Andy’s very wellbeing is at stake – the UK government must urgently call for his release.”

Sunday, January 24, 2016

Ethiopia Drought Crisis: Pastoralists Threatened By El Niño, Land Grabbing, Population Growth Adopt Nontraditional Methods To Survive

ON 01/24/16 AT 8:11 AM
Hasen Hamed
Ethiopian pastoralist Hasen Hamed is seen with his herd in the northeast Afar region in January 2016. For generations, pastoral nomads like Hamed have used traditional methods to find good pasture and water sources. But this centuries-old practice is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain amid prolonged drought, population growth and land battles in Ethiopia.

Born and raised in one of the earth’s hottest and driest spots, Ethiopian herdsman Hasen Hamed perpetually moves his cattle across the northeast Afar region using traditional methods to locate green grass and drinking water, just as his father did before him. In recent years, Hamed has walked for days, only to find parched grass in customary rangelands that his ancestors had relied on to keep their herds alive. Now Hamed, 31, has just nine animals, after six died from famine this past year.

For generations, smallholder pastoralists like Hamed who live on the products of their livestock have used scouts, indigenous knowledge and “dagu,” or verbal exchange within their semi-nomadic communities, to find good pasture and water sources.  But this traditional form of pastoralism is increasingly difficult to sustain in Ethiopia as rangelands dry up due to prolonged drought linked to the El Niño weather system. The sheer size of Ethiopia's agricultural population and the government's controversial land policies are also shrinking accessible grazing land, pastoral experts and researchers said. While some herders have adopted modern methods to find greener pastures, such as satellite technology, others have had to give up grazing altogether to make a steady living and feed their families.

“The bottom line is, there's just not enough grass out there to support the numbers of animals needed to provide for growing human populations,” said Layne Coppock, a professor of environment and society at Utah State University in Logan whose research includes pastoralism in Ethiopia. “The pastoralist community will drop in numbers eventually.”

The rugged, landlocked country in the Horn of Africa region is no stranger to heatwaves. But the current El Niño, the strongest on record, has caused even more severe drought in parts of Ethiopia, triggering a sharp decline in food security and massive drop in pastoral and agricultural production. As the weather system, which affects rainfall patterns and temperatures worldwide, continues to dry up pasture and water sources in Ethiopia, crop yields will fail and livestock will get leaner and sicker. Many domestic animals have already died, and more than 10 million people will face critical food shortages in the coming year, the Ethiopian government said last month.

With one of the fastest-growing populations in the world, Ethiopia is also running out of available grazing land and water points as urbanization expands into rural areas. Some 80 percent of the country’s 98.9 million inhabitants are farmers, while 15 percent are pastoralists. Ethiopia’s livestock population is the largest in Africa with tens of millions of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, camels and chickens, which surpasses the country's human population, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Herding land that pastoralists once relied on is now overgrazed or has been plowed into private farms, ranches, game parks and urban centers.

“It’s not just drought,” Coppock said. “The basic sustainability of the [pastoral] system is not there anymore.”

Ethiopian farmer
An Ethiopian farmer plows his field outside the town of Bedele, about 300 miles southwest of the capital, Addis Ababa, in 2004.
Ethiopia’s land-leasing policy has helped push out pastoralist populations in recent years. The government has been leasing swaths of land to investors from China, India and the Middle East for mostly agricultural projects, insisting it will create jobs, build infrastructure and reduce food insecurity. Much of this land is near key water holes and rivers, which pastoralists need to sustain their herds.

This is all legal under Ethiopia's existing land tenure system. The government officially owns all land and can lease it to individuals and businesses as it sees fit, while occupants maintain customary rights. The Ethiopian constitution states that: “Ethiopian pastoralists have the right to free land for grazing and cultivation as well as the right not to be displaced from their own lands.” But critics of the leasing policy call it "land grabbing."

Dozens of people have been killed and reportedly arrested by Ethiopian security forces in recent weeks during protests against the government’s plans to expand infrastructure development in the capital of Addis Ababa and surrounding towns in the central Oromia region. If implemented, the urban plan will affect some 2 million people around the capital and could displace farmers and herders from their ancestral fertile lands.

Felix Horne, a Horn of Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch in New York, said these demonstrations are the biggest political crisis to hit Ethiopia since the country's 2005 general elections, when thousands of people were arrested, hundreds wounded and dozens killed during a crackdown on protesters who believed the polls were rigged. He said the Ethiopian government's approach to development is the crux of the land seizure issue.

"While Ethiopia is fond of promoting its economic growth narrative, its citizens often bear the negative consequences of the government's desire to develop quickly. Displacement for development, whether for agricultural, commercial or industrial projects, is all too common," Horne said. "Individuals who question the government's economic success narrative are routinely arrested, and mistreatment in detention is common."

Anuradha Mittal, executive director of the Oakland Institute, a California-based progressive think tank, said the United States and other allies of Ethiopia should intervene and demand the government change its land policies before the situation worsens. "I think it's imperative for Western donors to start saying that things have to shift. Even for security reasons, this is a time bomb," she said.

There are other policies that put Ethiopian pastoralists at a disadvantage and make it difficult for them to profit from the livestock industry. Livestock production is key to Ethiopia's economy, but there are few legal livestock exporters due to rigid regulations and taxes that, for instance, require pastoralists to open bank accounts in order to formalize their trade.

Hasen Hamed
Hasen Hamed is seen with his herd in the Afar region in January 2016. In the past year, Hamed has lost six of his animals due to prolonged drought in the region.
Pastoral nomads who settle down typically must reduce the number of animals they own and grow crops and fodder to survive. Some will make a living selling milk, vegetables, charcoal or firewoood at markets. Others, particularly women, have created informal groups to pool together their savings and extend small loans to each other to start their small businesses. Nevertheless, giving up these animals — their livelihood — is not an easy decision.

“That’s a hard thing for pastoralists to do. They’re not good farmers; they don’t have the knowledge in their history and culture to do it,” said Elliot Fratkin, an anthropology professor at Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts, who has taught and conducted research in Ethiopia.

Hamed, the Afar pastoralist, at times has walked for five straight days to find better pasture in the arid region, which is hard hit by the prolonged drought. Hamed, who is chairman of his "kebele," which means neighborhood in his native tongue Amharic, has begun planting maize and other crops in addition to raising livestock to have enough food to feed his three wives and 13 children.

“I have a family. I’m doing what I can,” he said in a recent Skype interview from Afar’s Telalak "woreda", or district. "We are still waiting for aid."

Hamed is finding promise, however, in a recent innovation that aims to help traditional pastoralists maintain their ancestral trade and nomadic lifestyle. Project Concern International, a global development organization, launched a program in 2013 funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development to provide pastoralists with maps derived from geostationary satellites to help them find greener pastures. The Satellite Assisted Pastoral Resource Management program, or SAPARM, uses a combination of infrared and direct photography to provide a measure of photosynthesis and vegetation sensitivity.

The digitized images are then overlaid on customized maps provided by pastoralist communities to show the state of vegetation within their traditional grazing grounds. Dark green represents heavy vegetation, yellow is moderate and brown means no vegetation. New maps are generated every 10 days, printed and handed out to select pastoralists who then distribute them among their communities in more than a dozen woredas in Ethiopia, as well as some areas in Tanzania. AID recently awarded Project Concern International $1.3 million to expand the SAPARM program, and Google is also partnering on the initiative with $750,000.

“They’ll integrate this data with scouting or their indigenous knowledge. It’s not as if SAPARM replaces it, but actually enhances their other mechanisms,” said Chris Bessenecker, Project Concern International’s vice president of strategic initiatives. “If I’m going to send a scout out with a map, I now know where to send them to verify where or not there’s vegetation, whereas before it would be kind of a crapshoot.”

Hamed, who helps distribute the maps among his community, said the SAPARM program has allowed him and other traditional pastoralists to be more resilient and make better decisions in times of drought, when the wrong choice can lead to livestock deaths. So far, the project has cut livestock mortality in half for the participating communities.

“My animals are in good condition now. But I don’t know the future," he said.

Telalak grazing conditions 1/10/2016
This SAPARM map dated Jan. 10, 2016, shows the state of grazing conditions in the Telalak woreda of Ethiopia's Afar region. Green shows heavy vegetation, yellow is moderate and brown means no vegetation. The dotted red lines delineate traditional grazing areas.
Pastoral experts and researchers said the use of cell phones and the internet has significantly aided herders in other African nations and could help these populations in Ethiopia. But the country is lagging behind the rest of the continent in telecommunications due to the government's monopoly on the burgeoning industry. While mobile phone penetration averages around 70 percent in most of Africa, only 25 percent of Ethiopians owned cell phones in 2013. Just 3.7 percent of Ethiopians have internet access, compared to more than 69 percent in neighboring Kenya, according to the latest data.

"Many herders are too poor or mobile to take advantage of these new technologies. But they are catching on," said Fratkin, who is also the chair of the Commission on Nomadic Peoples, an academic working group of the International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences.

Pastoralists need to be better represented in government so that their voices are heard on these relevant issues. The Ethiopian government should also provide more financial support to nomadic herders, experts said, like offering insurance for livestock deaths amid prolonged drought, which would allow them to buy other food in times of dearth.

"I feel that those in power still don't fully understand the rationality of pastoralism; that in dry and uncertain environments, mobility is rational," said John Morton, professor of development anthropology in the Natural Resources Institute at the University of Greenwich in England.

That means the centuries-old practice of pastoralism will likely remain vulnerable so long as the government's policies stay the same and chronic issues like population growth and overgrazing continue to degrade resources that nomadic herders need to thrive. While these communities won't give up pastoralism entirely if they don't have to, it's a reality many may soon face.

"It's a fear pastoralists have," Fratkin said. “People are very proud of being pastoralists. It’s a very traditional form that’s been generally good for people.”


Friday, January 22, 2016

የኢትዮ-ሱዳን ድንበር ላይ ምልክት ማድረግ ሊጀመር ነው

ጥር ፲፫ (አሥራ ሦስት) ቀን ፳፻፰ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-በኢንፎርሜሽን መረብ ደህንነት ኤጀንሲ ወይም ኢንሳ አማካኝነት ሲካሄድ የከረመው የሁለቱን አጎራባች አገራት ድንበር የአየር ላይ ፎቶ ወይም erial photo acquisition የመስራቱ ስራ ለሁለት ሳምንት ከተቋረጠ በሁዋላ፣ ሰሞኑን እንደገና የተጀመረ ሲሆን፣ በድንበሩ ላይ ምልክት ለማድረግ እንቅስቃሴ መጀመሩን የደህንት መስሪያ ቤት ምንጮች ገልጸዋል።
በአሁኑ ሰአት በድንበሩ ዙሪያ መሬት ላይ ምልክት የማድረግ በእንግሊዝኛ pre mark ground control points እንዲሁም የካርታ ስራውን ለመስራት እንቅስቃሴ ተጀምሯል። ኢንሳ በአማራ ክልል መንግስት ስም በአርሶ አደሮች የእርሻ እና የግጦሽ መሬት ላይ ምልክት የማድረጉን ስራ ለመጀመር የተዘጋጀ ሲሆን፣ የአካባቢው ህዝብ እና የወረዳ ባለስልጣናት ምልክት በማስቀመጡ ስራ ላይ ትብብር እንዳያደረጉ የደህንነት ምንጮች ምክራቸውን ለግሰዋል።
የመለያ ምልክቶቹ ከአሸዋ፣ ስሚንቶና ጠጠር የሚሰሩ ሲሆን ፣ 3 ሜትር ቁመት እና 60 ሴንቲሜትር ስፋት ያላቸው በነጭና ጥቁር የተቀቡ ይሆናሉ። የቀለም አቀባባቸውም ነጭ፣ ጥቁር፣ ነጭና ጥቁር የሚሆኑ ሲሆን መሃሉ ነጭ ይሆናል።
ኢንሳ ተመሳሳይ የአየር ላይ ፎቶዎችን በወልቃይት ፣ አብደራፊ እንዲሁም ምእራብ አርማጭሆ አካባቢዎች የሚያነሳ ሲሆን፣ ሰፊ የሆነ መሬት ወደ ትግራይ ክልል በመውሰድ የወልቃይት የስኳር ፋብሪካ ፕሮጀክት እንዲጠቀምበት እያዘጋጀ ነው።
የስኳር ፋብሪካው አቮሪንጋ በሚባል የእስራኤል ኩባንያ የሚሰራ ይሆናል።

ድንገተኛ ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ይነሳል የሚል ስጋት የገጠመው መንግስት ማረጋጊያ ያላቸውን እርምጃዎች ሊወስድ ነው

ጥር ፲፫ (አሥራ ሦስት) ቀን ፳፻፰ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-በታህሳስ ወር መግቢያ ላይ በጦር ሃይሎች አካባቢ በሚገኝ አንድ የደህንነት ጽ/ቤት ውስጥ ከ50 በላይ የሚሆኑ የደህንነት አባላት በተሳተፉበት ስብሰባ ላይ ከማስተር ፕላኑ፣ ከኑሮ ውድነቱና ከሌሎችም ማህበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ችግሮች ጋር በተያያዘ ህዝቡ በድንገት ወደ አደባባይ ሊወጣ ይችላል የሚል መልእክት ተላልፏል።
በስብሰባው ላይ ለችግሩ መፍትሄ ያስገኛሉ የተባሉ በርካታ የመፍትሄ ሃሳቦች ቀርበዋል። የጦር መሳሪያዎች ያሉዋቸውን ሰዎች ተከታትሎ ከመቀማት ጀምሮ በሃይማኖት ጉዳዮች ላይ ትኩረት በማድረግ ስራዎችን መስራት እንደሚያስፈልግ ተሳታፊዎች ስምምነት ላይ ደርሰዋል። በእስር ላይ የሚገኙትን የሙስሊም መፍትሄ አፈላላጊ አባላት በከፊልና በአጠቃላይ መፍታት ህዝበ ሙስሊሙ ከተነሳው ወላፈን እንዲርቅ እንደሚያደርገው የተነገረ ሲሆን፣ ይህን ለማስፈጸም በውጭ አገር የሚገኙ የሙስሊም ድርጅቶች እንዲጋበዙና በታሳሪዎች ስም ይቅርታ እንዲጠይቁ ማድረግ ፤ ይህን የሚያደርጉ ሰዎች ቢቻል ከማህበረሰቡ ጋር ግንኙነት ያላቸው ቢሆኑ እንደሚመረጥ ስትራቴጂ ተነድፏል።
የኮሚቴው አባላት ከተቻለ በጸጥታ ሃይሎች በኩል ካልተቻለም ታስረው በተፈቱ ሌሎች ሙስሊሞች በኩል ግፊት ተደርጎባቸው ፣ የይቅርታ ጥያቄው የእነርሱ መሆኑንና የሚያመለክት ሰነድ እንዲፈርሙ ማድረግ፣ መንግስት እጁ አለበት እንዳይባል በመንግስት በኩል የተዘጋጀውን ዘጋቢ ዶክመንታሪ ለህዝቡ አስቀድሞ ማቅረብ ፣ ይሁን እንጅ መንግስት በአሸባሪዎች ላይ ጠንካራ አቋም እንዳለው ማሳየት ተገቢ መሆኑን ስትራቴጂው ያመለክታል። ይቅርታ ሊጠይቁ የሚመጡትን የውጭ እንግዶች በክብር ተቀብሎ ማስተናገድ፣ ቃለመጠይቅ ማድረግና ይህንኑ በብዙሃን መገናኛ ጉዳዩና ይቅርታው በእርግጥም የኮሚቴ አባላቱ መሆኑን ለህዝቡ ማቅርብ የሚለው አካሄድ ስልትም ተነድፏል። ይህንን ጉዳይ ለማስፈጸም ለውስጥ ጸጥታና ለጠ/ሚኒስትር ቢሮ ሪፖርት የሚያደርጉ በወ/ሮ አይጠግቡሽ ለሜሳ የሚመራ ኮሚቴ ተቋቁሟል።
የመጀመሪያውን ሂደት ለመገምገም በሚቀጥለው ሳምንት ቀጠሮ መያዙም ታወቋል። መንግስት ሙስሊሙ ማህበረሰብ በኦሮምያ የተነሳውን ህዝባዊ አመጽ ደግፎ እንዳይቆም የነደፈው ስትራቴጂ ውጤታማ ይሁን አይሁን በቅርቡ የሚታይ ይሆናል።
በሌላ በኩል በኦሮሚያ የተከሰተውን ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ተከትሎ በተለይ በአዲስአበባ ከተማ የሚገኙ የፌዴራልና የክልል መ/ቤቶች ውስጥ የሚገኙና ቁልፍ ቦታዎችን የያዙ የህወሀት አባላት የመደናገጥና የመቧደን አዝማሚያ እያሳዩ መምጣታቸውን የአዲስ አበባው ዘጋቢያችን ምንጮችን ዋቢ በማድረግ ገልጿል።
ለወትሮ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ አድርገው ራሳቸውን የሾሙ የህወሀት ካድሬዎችና አባላት ለብቻ የመሰብሰብ አዝማሚያ እያሳዩ ሲሆን በተለይ የኦህዴድ አባላትን በጥርጣሬ እየተመለከቱ መምጣታቸው በድርጅቶቹ መካከል ውጥረት እያስከተለ ነው።
በአንድ የመንግስት መ/ቤት ውስጥ የሚሰራ የኦህዴድ አባል ለዘጋቢያችን “ህወሀቶች ኦሮሚያ ክልል የተፈጠረው ህዝባዊ አመጽ የመንፈስ ስብራት አስከትሎባቸዋል።በተለይ ደግሞ ከአመጹ ጀርባ የኦህዴድ አባላት አሉበት ብለው በማመናቸው ከፍተኛ ፍርሀትና መረበሽ እየታየባቸው ነው። ትላንት ህወሀትን ተጠግቶ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ የነበረው አንገቱን ደፍቶ ሲሄድ፣ከሌሎች የህወሃት አባላት ጋር ብቻ ሲወጣና ሲገባ ታገኘዋለህ። በመንግስት ተቁዋማት በግልጽ የዘር ልዩነቱ እያፈጠጠ መምጣቱ አሳዛኝ ነው” ሲል ተናግሮአል።
ሌላው ታዛቢም “ህወሀቶች ለብቻቸው ስብሰባ አብዝተዋል፣ሳያውቁት ራሳቸውን ከኢህአዴግ ሰዎች ጭምር እየነጠሉ ነው” ብሎአል።
የኦሮሚያን አመጽ ለማረጋጋት ሲባል የኦሮሞ ልጆች በህወሀት ደህንነትና ፖሊሶች ኢሰብአዊ በሆነ መንገድ መገደላቸው በርካታ የኦህዴድ አባላትን ጭምር ማስቆጣቱ ጉዳዩ በቀጣይ የግንባሩ የልዪነት ምንጭ በመሆን ውስጣዊ ቀውስ ሊያስከትል ይችላል።

የአለማቀፍ ድርጅቶች በኢትዮጵያ የተከሰተው ረሃብ ከአቅም በላይ ነው ቢሉም መንግስት እያጣጣለው ነው

ጥር ፲፫ (አሥራ ሦስት) ቀን ፳፻፰ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ሪዩተርስ ዛሬ ባወጣው ዘገባ በኢትዮጵያ አስከፊ በተባለው ረሃብ 400 ሺ ህጻናት ከፍተኛ አደጋ አንዣቦባቸዋል። አንድ አስረኛ የሚሆነው ህዝብ ራሱን መመገብ በማይችልበት ደረጃ መደረሱን ዘጋባው አመልክቶ፣ የአለማቀፉ ማህበረሰብ የሚሰጠው ምላሽ አነስተኛ መሆን ችግሩን አሳሳቢ ደረጃ ላይ አድርሶታል።
በአሜሪካ የህጻናት አድን ድርጅት ፕሬዚዳንት ካሮሊን ማይልስ አፋርና አማራ ክልሎችን መጎብኘታቸውን ለዜና ምንጩ ገልጸው፣ በምግብ እጥረት የተነሳ ሆስፒታል የገቡ ህጻናትን ማየታቸውን ተናግረዋል።
በአማራ አካባቢ አንድ እናት የ3 ወር መንታ ልጆቻቸውን ማጥባት ተስኖአቸው ማየታቸውን የገለጹት ሃላፊዋ፣ መንግስት በየስድስት ሳምንቱ የሚሰጣቸው እርዳታ ለአንድ ሳምንት ብቻ የሚያቆይ መሆኑን ተናግረዋል።እርዳታው በፍጹም ህይወትን ለማቆየት የሚረዳ አይደለም በማለት መንግስት በቂ እርዳታ እየሰጠሁ ነው በማለት የሚሰጠውን መግለጫ አጣጥለውታል።
ረሃቡን ለመቋቋም 1 ቢሊዮን 400 ሚሊዮን የአሜሪካን ዶላር ቢያስፈልግም፣ የአለማቀፉ የምግብ ፕሮግራም እስካሁን ያገኘው ድጋፍ 13 በመቶውን ብቻ የሚሸፍን ነው። ድርጅቱ ለጋሽ አገራት ገንዘብ በመለገስ ከአገር ውስጥ ገበያ ገዝተው እንዲያከፋፍሉ ለማድረግ ፍላጎት ቢኖርም፣ በቂ ሸመታ ለማካሄድ የሚያስችል የእህል አቅርቦት ባለመኖሩ የምግብ እርዳታ እንዲደረግ እየጠበቁ ነው። እርዳታው አሁኑኑ ካልደረሰ ችግሩ ይባባሳል ሲል የአለም የምግብ ፕሮግራም አስጠንቅቋል።
መንግስት የውጭ ድርጅቶች እርዳታ ለማግኘት ሲሉ ችግሩን አጋነው እያቀረቡት ነው በማለት ወቀሳ ያቀርባል። የመንግስት መግለጫ የአለማቀፍ ማህበረሰቡ አፋጣኝ መለስ እንዳይሰጥ ማድረጉን ታዛቢዎች ይገልጻሉ።

Ethiopia’s Invisible Crisis


Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn confers with President Barack Obama
“Badessa” was a third-year engineering student in western Ethiopia in April 2014 when he and most of his classmates joined a protest over the potential displacement of ethnic Oromo farmers like his family because of the government’s plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into the farmland.
The night of the first protests he was arrested and taken to an unmarked detention center. Each night he heard his fellow students screaming in agony as one by one they were tortured by interrogators. “I still hear the screams,” he told me later. Eventually his turn came to be interrogated. “What kind of country is it when I voice concern that my family could lose their farm for a government project and I am arrested, tortured, and now living as a refugee?”
Since mid-November, large-scale protests have again swept through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, and the response from security forces has again been brutal. They have killed countless students and farmers, and arrested opposition politicians and countless others. On January 12, the government announced it was cancelling the master plan, but that hasn’t stopped the protests and the resultant crackdown.
Although the protest was initially about the potential for displacement, it has become about so much more. Despite being the biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia, Oromos have often felt marginalized by successive governments and feel unable to voice concerns over government policy. Oromos who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise mistreated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a group that has long been mostly inactive and that the government designated a terrorist organization.
The government is doing all it can to make sure that the news of these protests doesn’t circulate within the country or reach the rest of the world. Ethiopia’s allies, including governments in the region and the African Union, have largely stood by as Ethiopia has steadily strangled the ability of ordinary Ethiopians to access information and peacefully express their views, whether in print or in public demonstrations. But they should be worried about what is happening in Oromia right now, as Ethiopia — Africa’s second most-populous country and a key security ally of the US — grapples with this escalating crisis.
This may prove to be the biggest political event to hit Ethiopia since the controversial 2005 elections resulted in a crackdown on protesters in which security forces killed almost 200 people and arrested tens of thousands .
Although the government focuses its efforts on economic development and on promoting a narrative of economic success, for many farmers in Oromia and elsewhere economic development comes at a devastating cost. As one Oromo student told me “All we hear about is development. The new foreign-owned farms and roads is what the world knows, but that just benefits the government. For us [Oromos] it means we lose our land and then we can’t sustain ourselves anymore.”
It has become almost impossible for journalists and human rights monitors to get information about what is happening, especially in smaller towns and rural areas outside Addis Ababa.
Ethiopia is one of the most restrictive environments for independent investigation, reporting, and access to information, earning the country a top-10 spot in the global ranking of jailers of journalists. For the past decade, the government has limited access to information by regularly threatening, imprisoning, and prosecuting individual activists, bloggers, and journalists and sending a clear public message that the media must self-censor and that dissent or criticism of government policy will not be tolerated.
Independent media have dwindled—more than 70 journalists have fled the country since 2010 and five of the last independent publications closed down before the May elections. Meanwhile the state-run media parrot the government line, in this case claiming that the Oromo protesters are linked to “terrorist groups” and “anti-peace elements” who are “aiming to create havoc and chaos.”
Very few international journalists are based in Ethiopia. Those who have attempted to cover events on the ground since the protests began have braved threats and arrest, but these are a few lone voices.
Given restrictions on local and international media, you might think that ordinary citizens, local activists, and nongovernmental organizations would fill the gaps and document the events in Oromia. But Ethiopia’s human rights activists and independent groups have been crushed by draconian legislation and threats, and even ordinary people are often terrified to speak out. People who dare to speak to international media outlets or independent groups have been arrested. The government taps phone lines and uses European-made spyware to target journalists and opposition members outside the country.
Since the protests began, the restrictions have become even harsher. Authorities have arrested people, including health workers, for posting photos and videos or messages of support on social media. The state-run telecom network has also been cut in some areas, making it much more difficult to get information out from hotspots.
Radio and satellite television outlets based outside Ethiopia, including some diaspora stations, play a key role disseminating information about the protests within Oromia, as they also did in 2014 during the last round of protests. Last year numerous people were arrested in Oromia during the protests merely for watching the diaspora-run Oromia Media Network (OMN).
The government has frequently jammed foreign stations in the past, violating international regulations in the process. When the government is unable to jam it puts pressure on the satellite companies themselves. Throughout the protests government agents have reportedly been destroying satellite dishes.
Yet despite the clear efforts to muzzle voices, information is coming out. Some protesters are losing their fear of expressing dissent and are speaking openly about the challenges they are facing. Social media plays a key role in disseminating information as people share photos and videos of rallies, of bloodied protesters, and of expressions of peaceful resistance in the face of security forces using excessive force.
In the coming days and weeks Ethiopia’s friends and partners should condemn the use of excessive force by security forces that is causing tragic and unnecessary deaths. But they should also be clear that Ethiopia needs to ensure access to information and stop disrupting telecommunications and targeting social media users. The world needs to know what is happening in Oromia—and Ethiopians have a right to know what is happening in their country.
Felix Horne is the Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.