OMN: ከቀድሞው የአሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት ፕሬዚዳንት ከአቶ ጁኔዲን ሳዶ ጋር የተደረገ ቃለምልልስ - ክፍል 2

Inside Story - What is triggering #Ethiopia's unrest?

#‎OromoProtests‬ in the last hearing we filed a complaint why the Federal court is seeing our case but no response- Bekele Gerba

በጸረ ሽብር ህጉ ተከሶ፣በዛሬዉ ዕለት የዕምነት ቃላቸዉን እንዲሰጡ የተቀጠሩት እነ ጉርሜሳ አያኔ በሀገሪቱ የህግ የበላይነት ብሎ ነገር እንደሌለና የኢትዮጵያን ፍርድ ቤት የወያኔ የገደል ማሚቶ መሆናቸዉን በሚያረጋግጥ መልኩ ቃላቸዉን ሳይሰጡ ከፍርድ ቤት ቅጥር ግቢ ወጥቷል፡፡
ሁሉንም የተከሾች ክርክር በዚህ ገጽ ማቅረብ እጅግ አዳጋች ስለሆነ፡፡ጥቂቶቹን ብቻ ለማካፈል ተገደናል፡፡
ጥፋቱን ፈፅመዋል ወይስ አልፈጸሙም? ተብለዉ መጀመሪያ በመሃል ዳኛ የተጠየቁት ‘’ኦቦ ጉርሜሳ አያኖ’’ ነበሩ፣ኦቦ ጉርሜሳም ሲመልሱ ‘’ክሱ ግልፅ አልሆነልኝም እኔ ፖለቲከኛ ስሆን የመድረክ ፓርቲ-አባል ነኝ፡፡የእኛ ፓርቲ ህገመንግስቱን ተከትሎ የተቋቋመ ህጋዊ ፓርቲ ነዉ፡፡የተከሰስኩት ግን የኦነግ አባል ነህ በሚል ነዉ፣እኔ እስከማዉቀዉ አንድ ሰዉ የሁለት ድርጅት አባል መሆን አይችልም፡፡ይሄ ክስ መንግስት መሬቴን አሳልፌ አልሰጥም ያለዉን የኦሮሞን ህዝብ በጅምላ አሸባሪ ብሎ እየከሰሰ ነዉ ያለዉ ስለዚህ ቃሌን ለዚህ ፍ/ቤት አልሰጥም’’፡፡ቀጠለ ኦቦ ደጀኔ ጣፋ ‘’የኢትዮጵያ ፍ/ቤት በግልፅ ህገመንግስቱን እያፈረሰ ያለ ተቋም ስለሆነ ለዚህ ፍ/ቤት ቃሌን አልሰጥም፣ከአሁን ወዲህም ወደዚህ ፍ/ቤት መምጣት አልፈልግም፣ዉሳኔዉም ግልጽ ስለሆነ ባለሁበት ሆኜ ይድረሰኝ!የኢትዮያ ህዝብ ግን እኛ ላይ የተፈጠመዉን በደል እንዲያዉቅልን እፈልጋለሁ’’፡፡
‘’አዲሱ ቡላላም’’ በተራዉ ‹‹የደረሰኝ ክስ የሚመስል ድርሰት ግራ አጋብቶኛል፡፡እኔ የመድረክ ፓርቲ እንጂ የኦነግ አባል አይደለሁም፣ለህዝቤ ብዬ በአደረግኩት ነገር በሙሉ ደስተኛ ነኝ፣በእ በአዲሱ ስም የተመሰረተዉ ክስ በኦሮሞ ላይ የተመሰረተ ክስ መሆኑን መሆኑን ሁሉም ሰዉ እንዲያዉቅልኝ እፈልጋለሁ፤ እኔ ለዚህ ፍትህ አልባ ፍ/ቤት ቃሌን መስጠት አልፈልግም ተመካክራችሁ ዉሳኔዉን ባለሁበት አድርሱኝ››!
‘’በቀለ ገርባ’’ ሲናገር ‹‹ባለፈዉ ቀጠሮ የክስ መቃወሚያችን ላይ ወንጀሉ ተፈጸመ የተባለዉ ኦሮሚያ ክልል ሆኖ ሳለ ለምን በፌዴራል መንግስት እንዳኛለን?! በክልላችን በቋንቋችን እንዳኝ ብለን አቤቱታ አቅርበን ነበር ቢሆንም የሰማን የለም፡፡እኛን ግን ገብቶናል ለምን ክሳችን በፌዴራል እንዲታይ እንደተደረገ፣ፍ/ቤቱ በተጻፈለት መሰረት ሊፈርድብን ነዉ፡፡ይሄ ፍ/ቤት ታዞ እንደሚሰራ ከዚህን በፊት ስምንት አመት ያለጥፋቴ ተፈርዶብኝ እኔ በራሴ ህይዎት ችግሩ ደርሶብኝ አይቻለሁ ስለዚህ ለዚህ ፍ/ቤት ቃሌን አልሰጥም››
ቀጠሉ ከኦሮሚያ ክልል የመጡ እሳት የላሱ የእዉነት አምደኞች፡፡አንዱ ‹‹ጨለማ ዉስጥ ሆኜ ምንም ማዉረት አልፈልግም››
ሌላዉ ‹‹የህግ የበላይነት ባልተረጋገጠበት ሀገር ላይ ሆኜ ለባስልጣናት ለሚታዘዝ ፍ/ቤት ቃሌን አልሰጥም››፡፡አንዱም እንዲሁ ተጠራና ተነሳ ‹‹እኛ ላይ የታወጀዉ የዘርማጥፋት ወንጀል ነዉ ስለዚህ ለዚህ ፍ/ቤት ቃሌን መስጠት አልችልም››
፣ሌላዉም ቀጠለ ‹‹የተከሰስኩት ኦሮሞ በመሆኔ ብቻ ነዉ››፡፡አሁንም ሌላኛዉ ሲጠየቅ አለ ‹‹የዘረኝነት በሽታ ያለባቸዉ ሰዎች ናቸዉ ያለትፋቴ የከሰሱኝ ቃሌን አልሰጥም››!ፍ/ቤቱ በዚህና በመሰል ከበባድ የእዉነት ቃሎች ልክ-ልኩ ተነግሮት ችሎቱ ተጠናቀቀ!

Source:https://www.facebook.com/Jawarmd/posts/10102470673726843

Deafening Silence from Ethiopia

Since November, state security forces have killed hundreds of protesters and arrested thousands in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region. It’s the biggest political crisis to hit the country since the 2005 election but has barely registered internationally. And with the protests now in their fifth month, there is an almost complete information blackout.

A teacher arrested in December told me, “In Oromia the world doesn’t know what happens for months, years or ever. No one ever comes to speak to us, and we don’t know where to find those who will listen to our stories.”

Part of the problem is the government’s draconian restrictions on news reporting, human rights monitoring, and access to information imposed over the past decade. But restrictions have worsened in the last month. Some social media sites have been blocked, and in early March security officials detained two international journalists overnight while they were trying to report on the protests. As one foreign diplomat told me, “It’s like a black hole, we have no idea what is happening. We get very little credible information.”

With difficulty, Human Rights Watch interviewed nearly 100 protesters. They described security forces firing randomly into crowds, children as young as nine being arrested, and Oromo students being tortured in detention. But the Ethiopian media aren’t telling these stories. It’s not their fault. Ethiopian journalists have to choose between self-censorship, prison, or exile. Ethiopia is one of the leading jailers of journalists on the continent. In 2014 at least 30 journalists fled the country and six independent publications closed down. The government intimidates and harasses printers, distributors, and sources.

International journalists also face challenges. Some do not even try to go because of the personal risks for them, their translators, and their sources. And when they do go, many Ethiopians fear speaking out against government policies—there are plenty of cases of people being arrested after being interviewed.

Diaspora-run television stations have helped fill the gap, including the U.S.-based Oromia Media Network (OMN). Many students in Oromia told me that OMN was one way they were able to learn what was happening in other parts of the region during the protests. But since OMN began broadcasting in March 2014 it has been jammed 15 times for varying periods. Radio broadcasts are also jammed–as international broadcasters like Voice of America and Deutsche Welle have experienced intermittently for years.

In December OMN began transmitting on a satellite that is virtually impenetrable to jamming. But security forces then began destroying private satellite dishes on people’s homes. Eventually the government applied pressure on the satellite company to drop OMN, which has now been off the air for over two months.

Social media has partially helped fill the information gap. Photos of injured students and videos of protests have been posted to Facebook, particularly in the early days of the protests. But in some locations the authorities have targeted people who filmed the protests on their phones. At various times in the last month, there have been reports of social media and file-sharing sites being blocked in Oromia, including Facebook, Twitter, and Dropbox. Website-blocking has been documented before – in 2013, at least 37 websites with information from Ethiopia were blocked. Most of the sites were operated by Ethiopians in the diaspora.

Independent non-governmental organizations that might be reporting what is happening face similar restrictions. The government’s Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009 virtually gutted domestic nongovernmental organizations that work on human rights issues. The independent Human Rights Council released a report on the protests in March. It was a breath of fresh air, but the council released it at great risk. As the first report from Ethiopian civil society on an issue of great political significance, it was a damning indictment of the limits of freedom of expression in Africa’s second-largest country, with a population of 100 million.

The government may believe that by strangling the flow of information coming out of Oromia it can limit international concern and pressure. And so far the response from countries that support Ethiopia’s development has been muted. The deaths of hundreds, including many children, have largely escaped condemnation.

Yet the government’s brutally repressive tactics cannot be contained behind Ethiopia’s information firewall for long. The sooner the government recognizes this and acts to stop the mass arrests and excessive use of force, the better the outlook for the government and the affected communities.

The government—with the assistance of its allies and partners—needs to support an independent investigation of the events in Oromia, commit to accountability and justice for the victims, and start dismantling the legislative and security apparatus that has made Ethiopia one of the most hostile places for free expression on the continent. What’s happening in Oromia has long-term implications for Ethiopia’s stability and economic progress, and Ethiopians and the world need to know what is happening.

Source:https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/04/12/deafening-silence-ethiopia

#OromoProtests over 15,000 people of Abaro village marched on Shashemene in this fashion. The Agazi soldiers are firing

#OromoProtests over 15,000 people of Abaro village marched on Shashemene in this fashion. The Agazi soldiers are firing...
Posted by Jawar Mohammed on Wednesday, February 17, 2016

Occupational induced health problems in floriculture workers in Sebeta..

Occupational induced health problems in floriculture workers in Sebeta and surrounding areas, West Shewa, Oromia, Ethiopia

A Defar, A Ali

Abstract

Background: Floriculture is a booming sector in Ethiopia; nevertheless, there are certain concerns regarding the health status of the workers. To address this issue, an effort has been made to outline the outstanding health problems that have manifested in some of the floriculture farms in the designated area of the study.
Objectives: To assess health problems encountered in the farms, and their determinants among floriculture workers in Sebeta and surroundings.
Methods: A Cross-sectional study design, using qualitative and quantitative methods, was conducted among floriculture workers in Sebeta Town and surrounding areas from December 01, 2010 to February 30, 2011. A sample of 612 workers was selected using systematic random sampling techniques. Data were collected through pre-tested structured questionnaire, in-depth interviews and working environmental observation. Then, data were entered using EPI Info. Analysis was done using SPSS version 16 statistical program.
Results: The majority, 433 (74.9%) of the workers were females, with 539 (93%) of study subjects showing at least one health symptom in the last 12 months prior to the study period, 392 (67.8%) had at least one skin problem and 81.1% had at least one respiratory health symptom in the last 12 months. The highly prevalent disease symptoms were fatigue 422 (76.5%), followed by head ache 424 (73.4%) and sleepiness 367 (63.5%). A 3.16 (95%: CI 1.28-7.80) odds of having symptoms of disease was observed after adjusting for confounders among those who did not have full personal protective equipment. There was also 4.93 (95% CI 1.44-16.91) times odds of symptoms of disease amongst workers who did not use personal protective equipment properly, and odds of reported symptoms of disease were 2.75 (95% CI 1.15- 6.61)higher for those who did not take pre-employment safety training.
Conclusion: Prevention interventions were generally neglected, with only 345 (59.3%) employees reporting having and 214 (62.39%) properly using personal protective devices. In view of that, adequate supply of personal protective equipment, pre-employment safety training and use of good management of chemicals applied in the farm are highly recommended.

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#OromoProtest This is the list of people arrested in Sululta and their whereabout is not known..

This is the list of people arrested in Sululta and their whereabout is not known. There is rumor that they have been...
Posted by Birhanu M Lenjiso on Saturday, February 6, 2016

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ here is names and places for 141 Oromos who have been killed since the upraising began on November 12, 2015.

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ here is names and places for 141 Oromos who have been killed since the upraising began on November 12, 2015. These are victims whose full information has reached us. The total reported death toll is over 217.
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Armaan gaditti kan agartan maqaa ilmaan Oromoo 141 erga mormiin kun Sadaasa dabree dhooyee as Wayyaaneen ajjeefamaniiti. Kun wareegamtoota maqaafi bakka itti rukutaman argachuun danda'ameeti. Waliigalatti hamma ammaatti namoonni ajjeefamuun isaanii gabaafame 217 gahee jira.
Ibsaa Badhaasa qindeessitee galmeessuu keetiif galatoomi.

Name Location
1. Gezahegn Oliqa....Welega...Horoguduru
2. Gutu Abera Deresa.....W.Welega..Guliso
3. Karasa Chala.....W. Welega....Guliso
4. Debala Tafa Robi..... N. Shewa....Fiche
5. Dejene Serbesa......W.Shewa...Tole
6. Mifta Juneydi Bushira.....W.Hararghe...Badano Furda
7. Murad Abdi..... …….E.Hararghe, Haromaya
8. Lucha Gamachu......W. Walaga...Inango
9. Ayana Banti..............W. Walaga...Inango
10. Tafari Dhangia.........E. Walaga.Jimarjo
11. Dame Dabali............W. Walaga..Maqnajo
12. Gamachis Tilahun....W. Walaga..Najo
13. Tilahun Mulata.........W. Walaga.D/Dolo
14. Kano Tola.................E. Waolaga..Gabate
15. Ebisa Tucho.............E.Walaga...Fincha
16. Alazar Kalbesa.........W. welega
17. Bekele Soboka........ W. Shawa...Mugar
18. Bekele Seifu.............W. Shawa...Mugar
19. Chala Tashoma........W. Shawa...Babicha
20. Abdeta Bayisa.........W. Shawa...Babicha
21. Dule.........................W. Shawa...Gedo
22. Tamene Tsegaye...........W. Shawa...Gedo
23. Daraje Gadisa..........W. Shawa....Gedo
24. Fikadu Girma...........W. Shawa....Gedo
25 . Ulfata Chimdi...........W. Shawa...Ambo
26. Girma Ragasa..........W. Shawa...Ambo
27. Lamesa Fayisa........W. Shawa...Ambo
28. Chalchisa Gonfa.....W. Shawa...Asgori
29 .Bilbila Lalisa.............W. Shoa..Asgori
30. Debela Tafa............N.Shawa...Chancho
31. Diso Milkesa...........SW. Shawaa...Ilfata
32. Yalaw Damise.........SW.Shawa..Ilfata
33. Abebe Bulo.............SW.Shawa...Waliso
34. Tade Sefera............SW.Shawa...Amaya
35. Solomon Mogos.....SW.Shawa...Amaya
36. Lencho Hundara.....SW.Shwaa...Waliso
37. Sarbesa Sirnesa.....SW.Shawa...Citu
38. Ayana Rikita...........SW.Shawa..Waliso
39. Wako Moroda.........SW.Shawa..Waliso
40. Habtamu Tsagaye..SW.Shawa..Waliso
41. Tariku Asefa............SW.Shawa..Waliso
42. Boru Gutama...........SW.Shawa..Amaya
43. Inawagaw Hayilu....W.Shawa..Gindabrat
44. Abdeta Lata...........W.Shawa..Gindabrat
45. Bayisa Gedafa.......W.Shawa..Gindabrat
46. Tadesa Dhaba.......W.Shoa..Gindabrat
47. Kabade Tafa...........W.Shawa..Gindabrat
48. Tadese Tsige.........W.shawa....Gindabrat
49. Tadese Dhaba.......W.Shawa..Gindabrat
50. Biranu Hayilu.........W.Shawa..Gindabrat
51. Tadese Abdisa.......W.Shawa..Wanchi
52. Kebede Tadesa......W.Shawa..wanchi
53. Daraje Warkine........W.Shawa..Wanchi
54. Sirnesa Sarbesa......W.Shawa..Wanchi
55. Tashale Irgesa.........W.Shawa..wanchi
56. Aschalo Worku........W.Shawa..Ginchi
57. Seifu Tura................W.Shawa...Ginchi
58. Zarihun..NA.............W.Ginchi
59. Gelane Bekana.........W.Shawa....Chitu
60. Ashenafi .....NA........W.shawa...Ginchi
61. Dinka Chala..............W.Shawa...Ginchi
62. Tsagaye Abara.........W.Shawa..Jaldu
63. Tadasa Jambare......W.Shawa...Jaldu
64. Baqalaa Ragasa......W.Shawa.. Jaldu
65. Biranu Bajiga...........W.Shawa....Jaldu
66. Chaltu Tadesa.........W.Shawa....Jaldu
67. Dajane Bayisa..........W.Shawa....Jaldu
68. Nato Guluma............W.Shawa....Jaldu
69. Magarsa Baji............W.Shawa....Jaldu
70. Bekele Tumsa...........W.Shawa...Jaldu
71. Abeba Gabisa...........W.Shawa....Jaldu
72. Huseen Dula.............W.Arsi...Hadaba
73. Misra Haji Nabo.........W.Arsi...Dodola
74. Nasredin Mohamed...W.Arsi..Hadaba
75. Awel Ibrahim.....W.Arsi....Hadaba
76. Tolasa Lelisa...Welega....Horoguduru...Watiyo
77. Birhanu Dinka...W.Shewa...Wanchi
78. Ababa Gabisa...W. Shewa...Dandi..Galesa
79. Murata Alemu...Sululta
80. Meserat Dinka...... Welega...Lalo Qile
81. Tilahun Gemechis...Welega....Najo
82. Merete Alemu Gutema...Sululta
83. Adunya Ireso...... Welega... Alibo
84. Izaddin......W.Hararghe...chiro
85. Alazar kelbesa...W. Welega...Inango
86. Zewdu Siyum...W. Shewa...Adeaberga...Mugar
87. Hora Banti Irena....Ilu Ababor...Gachi
88. Abbas Abduraman....W.Hararghe...Mesela
89. Feyisa Dadhi...W. Shewa...Mugar
90. Chala Mohammed Ahmed...E.Hararghe....Haromaya
91. Bari Seid Ali...W. Hararghe...Mesela
92. Soboka Dilgasu...W. Shewa...Midekign
93. Fahmi Abduraman...Hararghe...Calanko
94. Abdata Olansa...W. Shewa...Ambo
95. Lenco Dinkesa....W. Shewa...Wadesa
96. Abdalla Muhamad Ibro...W. Hararge...Asabot
97. Biruk(Tolasa) Dhufera...W.Shewa...AbunaGindabarat
98. Abdellaa Mohamed.....W.Hararghe...Mieso
99. Yasino Abdalla Ali....W.Hararghe...Mieso
100. Abdala Hasan ...... W.Hararge...Mieso
101. Musa Hasan....W.Hararge....Miesso...sodoma
102. Abdulhakim....W. Hararghe...Mieso..buri
103. Ahmad...W.Hararghe...Mieso...Anano
104. Adam Abdala Ali ...W.Hararghe...Mieso
105. Mohammed Nama...W.Hararghe...Miesso
106. Shelema Teresa...Welega...Jimarare...Goban
107. Muhamad Adem Roba...W.Hararghe...Asabot...Wajaji
108. Birhanu Gadisa...W.Shewa...Wadesa
109. Usmail Sufyan Adem...W.Hararghe...Doba
110. Abeba Lata....W.Shewa...Jibat...Shanan
111. Zerihun Jirenya Beyene......E. Welega.... Arjo Gudetu
112. Gabayyoo Amsalu …………W/Shewa, Bakkoo Tibbee
113. Tahir Abdu ……………. …..In Arsi,Qadiir
114. Barihunu Shibiruu …………W/Shewa, Iluu Galaan,Ijaji
115. Abara Dhabaa………………S/W/ Shewa,Qarsa Mallima, Habebe
116. Ishetu Fedhessa……….. …W/Wallega,Canqaa
117. Almazi Guddata ……………W/Wallega,Canqaa
118. Labata dinkessa …………...W/Shewa,Ambo
119. Bari Said Aliyyi ……………..W/Harargee,Masala
119. Awayi Aliyyi …………………W/Arsi,Adaba
120. Chala Ahmed ………………Hararge,Haromaya
121. Addisu Tariku……………….E/Wallega,,Arjo guddatu
122. Zerihun Jirenya……………..E/Wallega, Arjo Guddatu
123. Dirriba Balacho …………….S/W/Shewa,Tole Abebe
124. Kuma Lebjisa ……………….S/W/Shewa,Tole Abebe
125. Dadhii Kumsa………………..S/W/Shewa,Tole Abebe
126. Bekele................................W/shawaa,Dandii
127. Raggaasaa Caalaa…….........W/Shewa,Gincii
128. Alaminaa Mangashaa ………W/Shawa,Ilfataa goso mika'elitii
129 Gabayyo …………………...…E/Wallega,Sasigaa
130. Alamigana Tashoma………. W/Shewa,Ambo, Biloo
131. Toleraa Lelisaa ………………W/S/Shewa,Iluu ,Amdoo Migiraa
132. Darajjee Gonfaa………………W/Shewa,Jalduu, Bichoti
133. Ifaa Indiris ……………………..W/Arsi/Booraa,Deeggaa
134. Shaashoo Firdiisaa……………E/Wallega,Horroo guduru,Waatiyyo
135. Qananii Fiqaaduu……………..E/Wallega,Horroo guduru,Waatiyyo
136. Tolosa Dufera Obsina ……….W/Shewa,Abune Gindabrat.
137. Badhadha Kabada……………W/Shewa,Muger.
138. Yadata Guya ………………….W/Wallega,Horra Sabbu.
139. Wandimne Wayesa………......W/Wallega,Horra sabbu.
140. Tajir Xaha Adam……………...E/Hararge,Malkaballo.
141. Magarsa Mohamad…………..E/Hararge,Malkaballo.

Source: https://www.facebook.com/Jawarmd/posts/10102106178353493

Dej. Geresu Duki – the Unsung Oromo Hero Who Helped Defeat Fascist Colonialism in Ethiopia

Geresu Duki’s hometown Waliso had been the epicenter of the Oromo Protests in December 2015. The following is the story of Dej. Geresu Duki …

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Geresu Duki (Garasuu Dhukii) was born in Waliso, in the National Regional State of Oromia in Ethiopia, around 1905; his father was ObboDhukii Gulummaa, and his mother Aaddee Warqee Elemoo. Growing up in the Maru locality in Waliso, Geresu Duki was known by the nickname Abbaa Booraa.

Dej. Garasuu Dhukii Gulummaa

By his early thirties, Fit. Geresu Duki became one of the army leaders of the resistance movement against the Italian Fascist colonial regime, which occupied all of Ethiopia, including Oromia, between 1936 and 1941. The Italian Fascist colonial regime converted all the people in Ethiopia to the class of subjects (i.e. second-class citizens) on their own country with the Fascist Italian colonial rulers as the first-class citizens, i.e. those citizens with real political and socio-economic power. All native farmers were subject to be evicted from their land at any time, and the land would then be given to Italian colonial plantation owners to grow coffee and other cash crops; other Italian colonial rulers went on to build factories, luxury homes and shops (such as the ones in areas known as Piaza and Kassanchis in Finfinne/Addis) on their newly acquired land. At the expense of the natives, they showed roads, luxury houses and factories, all owned by the Italian colonial rulers, as their contributions to drive darkness (i.e. poverty and backwardness) out of the dark continent.

During the five-year occupation of Ethiopia by the Fascist colonial regime, any Italian supporter of the colonial regime could go to any part of Oromia (and any other part of Ethiopia) and claim any land of the natives (who had been made subjects) for their own; any native (such as Oromo, Amhara, Sidama, etc.) who opposed the Italian colonial regime’s eviction was shot dead or thrown to prison. Those who protested these unfair living conditions were taken to the streets and murdered summarily in public, or were taken to remote prisons to languish and die. Another Oromo hero Major Abdisa Aga was one of those protesters in Ethiopia who refused to accept the Italian colonial system, and later got caught – he was taken to Mogadishu (then under the Italian colonial rule) and then to Europe. His fight to get his freedom back from the colonial grip exemplifies valor for all mankind.

Tefera Geresu Dhuki, 15-year-old son of Geresu Duki

It was this Fascist colonial regime, that was armed to its teeth with the latest modern weapons of that era, that the ragtag Oromo army of Fit. Geresu Duki fought against in the trenches, on the hills and meadows of the Waliso-Jimma corridor in Oromia as well as in the Omo region in the Southern State in Ethiopia – in cooperation with the British/Allies’ forces in East Africa. At the height of the war against the Fascist colonialism, Fit. Geresu Duki was able to mobilize an army of 55,000 Oromo men and women, including his own son, Tefera Geresu Duki (aged around 15 at the time), to liberate the region spanning from Waliso to Jimma in Oromia, and to the Omo region in Southern State in Ethiopia.

Soon after the completion of the war against the Fascist colonial regime in 1941; however, Dej. Geresu Duki’s decorated and heroic war achievements were found to be threats to the political power of the then imperial regime of Ethiopia. Because of this, Dej. Geresu Duki was banished to remote corners of the country – he spent his years humiliated on the land he helped liberate from Fascist colonialism. He finally died of a suspected poisoning case while he was under house arrest in Adama in the mid 1960’s. In those days, many heroes and heroines were denied recognition for their achievements during the war against the Fascist colonial rule due to the fear of their political influences against the then imperial rule; some like Dej. Geresu Duki were banished and lived the rest of their lives humiliated; others like Dej. Belai Zelleqe of Gojjam were executed summarily.

The following is an Afan Oromo biography of Dej. Geresu Duki.

Garasuu Dhukii (Abbaa Booraa)

In magnificent silhouette, Dej. Geresu Duki watches his army cross the Omo river into Italian territory (circa 1936-1941)

Garasuu Dhukii abbaa isaa Obbo Dhukii Gulummaafi haadha isaa Aaddee Warqee Elemoorraa Caamsaa 27, 1905 dhalate. Bakki dhaloota isaas karaa Jimmaarraa magaalaa Walisoo cinaatti kan argamu naannoo Maaruu jedhamutti. Garasuun umrii isaa ijoollummaatti barumsa isaafi jireenya hawaasummaa kanneen birootiin baay’ee cimaa, walii galteerrattis mudaa kan hinqabne waan ta’eef, namoota hunda biratti jaallatamaa ture.

Tapha Garasuun jaallatu keessaa inni guddaan fardaan gulufuudha. Akkuma ijoollee abbaa lafaa naannoo Maaruu, ogummaa fardaan gulufuu, gaachana qolachuu, eeboo darbachuufi, adamoo shaakalaa ture. Abbaa isaa duukaa waltajjii adda addaarratti argamuun akkaataa dubbii barachaa hojiirra oolchuun hunda durse. Ija jabinaafi cimina isaa kanarraa kan ka’e, bifa farda inni yeroo hundaa gulufisiisuu jaallatuun namootaafi hiriyoota isaatiin umrii waggaa kudhanitti maqaan masoo, ‘Abbaa Booraa’ jedhu kennameef. Yeroo dirree waraanaa ture farda adii yaabbatullee, maqaa dhuma kanaan hamma lubbuun isaa dabartutti waamamaa ture. Yeroo tokko mootii Haayile-Sillaaseefi haati warraa isaa giiftii Manan bishaan ho’aa lafa keessaa burqu, isa Walisoo daawwachuuf yeroo deemanitti Garasuun farda isaatiin dura, duraa gulufuun karaa agarsiisaa turuurra darbee uummataafi mooticha duratti ba’uun waa’ee naannichaa haasawaa qalbii namaa hawwatuufi ogummaan guutame taasise. Martuu itti gammadee, ‘Ijarraa hafi; guddadhu,’ jedheen. Ogummaafi ciminni akkasumas, ijajabinni isaa qalbii mootiifi giiftii seenee, faara tolaan akka ilaalamu taasise. Loltummaanis waggoota torbaaf erga tajaajilee booda jabinaafi amanamummaa isaatiin filatamee itti dhiyeenyaan mooticha akka tajaajilu taasifame. Waggoota muraasaaf mootii erga tajaajilee booda, eeyyama mootiitiin loltoota ilma isaanii Asfaawasanitti makame.

Garasuun loltoota Asfaawasan waliin gara Walloo deemuun achirraas Ambaalaagee kan jiran loltoota Raas Kaasaatti dabalamuun Xaaliyaaniitti duulan. Lola bakka Tamben jedhamtu kan Tigiraayi keessaa jirturratti si’a lama geggeeffameefi kan Maayicawurratti (RAAYYAA) geggeeffame keessaatti loltuu diinaa madfifi matarayasii, qilleensarraan ammoo, xiyyaaraan gaasii summii facaasuun lolu jala dhaabachuu waan dadhabaniif kaan dhumanii kaan booji’amanii, kaan ammoo baqatanii lubbuun harkaa ba’anii gara Wallootti deebi’uun karaa Warraa Iluu Finfinnee galan. Haala kana keessatti cimina geggeessummaa isaarraan kan ka’e loltoonni Garasuu dursaa turan.

Kumaalaa Garasuun erga Finfinneetti deebi’ees, osoo wal’aansoofi dadhabbii lolichaa hinjiilin kutannoofi jaalala biyya isaatiif qaburraa kan ka’e, naannoo dhaloota isaa Maaruutti deebi’uun hojii gootummaa itti fufuuf murteesse. Yeroo kana mootii Haayile-Sillaaseen hooggantoota waraanaa hedduu waliin biyya Ingiliziitti baqatan. Kaan ammoo, Xaaliyaaniitti harka kennaan; Gariinis nibooji’aman; kaan ammoo nidhuman. Kun marti Garasuufi gootota muraasa jilbeemfachiisuu hindandeenye. Waggoota shaniif yeroo Xaaliyaaniin biyyicha bulchaa turte keessatti loltuu qopheeffate waliin riphee loluun diina bahaagala dhowwaa ture. Kallattiinis ba’uun diina humna lafoofi qilleensaatiin lolu mo’achaa loltoota hedduu booji’aa, barbadeessaa, kanneen jalaa booji’aman deebifachaa qabsoo hidhannoofi hojii gootummaa itti fufe.

Tefera Geresu Dhuki, 15-year-old son of Geresu Duki

Geggeessitoonni Xaaliyaaniifi baandaan sodaatanii si’a hedduu araaraaf jaarsa erganillee Garasuun gargaarsa uummataafi onnee waan qabuuf shiraafi kiyyoo isaaniitiin qabamuu hindandeenye. Roorrisaan, kan biyya abbaa qabu gabroomfate, baandaan biyya isaa saamsisuun Orma jala kaatu ramacii caalaa isaa gube. Keessummaa uummanni Itoopihyaa Xaaliyaanotaan Finfinneerratti mulluu ta’e ija duraa baduu dide. Guyyaa tokkollee osoo miilla isaarra rasaasaan rukutamee loltoonni harkaa dhumanii kanneen hafan ammoo diina duratti isa gatanii deemanitti, akkas jechuun yaadannoo isaa barreesse. “Ani Garasuudha; hojii koos xumureera; du’us giroo koo miti; kan na yaaddessu garuu Finfinneen bakki ummanni koo irratti dhume bilisa baatee osoo hinargin du’uu kooti,” jedhuun ture.

Haa ta’u malee yeroo marfame sanatti du’a oolee diinoota harkaa ba’uun madaan isaa fayyee loltoota abdii kutuun faca’an walitti qabuun amma dhumaatti lole. Dhumni hojii gootummaa Garasuus lola Jimmarratti Xaaliyaanii waliin geggeeffamedha. Garasuun loltoota diinaa kan jimmaarra buufatan marsuun yaadesse. Loltoota Garasuun hoogganuun marfamuu cinaatti oduun gara biyyaatti deebi’uu mootii Haayile-Sillaaseefi gargaarsi Ingilizootaa waan dhaga’ameef, dhangala’uu dhiigaa malee loltoonni Xaaliyaanii warri naannichaa akka harka kennan taasisee, kutaa biyyaa hunda kanneen qabatanis lakkisanii kaan dhumanii kaanis baqatanii ba’uun Itoophiyaan injifannoo argatte. Kumaalaa Garasuunis, Haayile-Sillaaseefi uummata Itoophiyaa biratti gootummaafi tooftaa lolaa isaaniitiin hundaa olitti dinqisiifatame. Kanarraan kan ka’e, waamicha mootiirraa taasiifameen loltuu isaa Shawaa Lixaa kan qabsoo finiinsaa tureefi, Jimmaan kan bilisa baase mara dhiisee Finfinnee deeme. “Marti namaa ajajaa waraanaa biyyatti ta’a,” jedhee erga innis akkanatti of beeka ture; hojjiin isaas kanaa gadi miti. Mootiin garuu “Biyya Oromoo fudhachuun olaantummaa na dhabsiisa,” jechuun waan shakkeef, bulchaa konyaa Caboofi Guraagee taasisuun mudde.

Barri jireenya Garasuu gabaabbachaa deemte. Jabinaafi gootummaan kan harkaa ba’uu hindandeenyetu itti aggaame. Osuma itti gaafatamummaa isaa ba’aa jiruu soorama ba’uufi dhukubsachuun Garasuu firoottan isaafi uummata isaa yaaddesse. Dhukkuba isaa kana ogeeyyiin biyya keessaa waan dadhabaniif, qabeenyaan isaa hundi gurguramee mucaan isaan Kumaalaa Tafarraa Garasuu biyya Ingiliziitti geessee akka yaalchisu ta’e. Achittiis fayyuu akka hindandeenye waan hubataniif gara biyyatti deebi’uun du’aan wal’aansoo qabuu eegale. Dhukkubni kaanseerii inni ittiin qabame daran itti cimee Waxabajjii 6, 1966 lubbuun isaa dabarte. Seenaan goota Oromoo Kumaalaa Garasuu Dhukii Gulummaa, Maaruutti jalqabee achumatti xumurame.

Source:http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2016/02/dej-geresu-duki-the-unsung-oromo-hero-who-helped-defeat-fascist-colonialism-in-ethiopia/

#OromoProtests this was Bari Sayid Ali who was killed on january 5, 2016 Masala town

#OromoProtests this was Bari Sayid Ali who was killed on january 5, 2016 Masala town, in West Hararge. His body was...
Posted by Jawar Mohammed on Monday, January 25, 2016

Brit on Ethiopia death row “begging for mercy”, as questions raised over UK approach

January 25, 2016

A British activist held under sentence of death in Ethiopia has demanded to know what his fate will be, amid concerns over the UK government’s approach to the case. 

A recent Foreign Office visit to Andargachew ‘Andy’ Tsege – a British father of three, who was kidnapped and rendered to Ethiopia in 2014 – revealed new concerns over his detention. The notes, made by the Deputy Ambassador to Ethiopia after the Boxing Day visit, show that some 18 months after his kidnap and rendition, Mr Tsege “hadn’t had access to a lawyer”, “was not in the system and hadn’t been given a prisoner number… didn’t even know who was really responsible for him…  nor had he received any further information on charges against him/ court dates etc.” The notes say “the main thing he wanted to know was whether he was a prisoner with genuine rights or not”, and that he said he was “in [the Ethiopian forces’] hands and begging for mercy”. 

Mr Tsege is a prominent member of the Ethiopian opposition, and was sentenced to death in absentia in 2009 in relation to his political activities. He has been unable to contact a lawyer since his arrest, and his family in London – who are assisted by human rights organization Reprieve – have been blocked from seeing him, amid fears that he may have been tortured. An expert report published this week concluded that “Mr Tsege’s mental health has declined precipitously since being detained in Ethiopia”, and that there is an “urgent need” to remove him from his current conditions.

British ministers have so far failed to request Mr Tsege’s release, and his latest comments come amid concerns over the UK’s approach to the Ethiopian in absentia convictions. In absentia trial proceedings such as Mr Tsege’s are illegal under international law, and the 2009 trial of Mr Tsege and several political activists was condemned at the time by US diplomats as “lacking in basic elements of due process.” However, in recent correspondence with human rights organization Reprieve – which is assisting Mr Tsege’s family – Foreign Office minister James Duddridge refused to confirm whether the UK accepted the validity of the death sentence. Ethiopia’s government has not said whether it will carry out the death sentence.

Yemi Hailemariam, Mr Tsege’s partner, said: “Since Andy disappeared in June 2014 our family has been living a nightmare. Andy believed in democracy above all – that’s what he respected about Britain, and it’s what he hoped for in Ethiopia. He was sentenced to death for holding these very British values – we simply can’t understand why the government he believed in isn’t standing up for him.”

Maya Foa, Director of Reprieve’s death penalty team, said: “Andy Tsege has been subjected to an outrageous, unlawful ordeal, and if the Foreign Office disagrees, it must explain why. It is unacceptable that a British citizen was sentenced to death in a political show trial – where he wasn’t present, and wasn’t even informed about the court proceedings – and then kidnapped into indefinite detention by the same brutal regime. It’s clear that there is no hope of ‘due process’ in Ethiopia’s courts, and that Andy’s very wellbeing is at stake – the UK government must urgently call for his release.”

ENDS

Source: http://www.reprieve.org.uk/press/brit-on-ethiopia-death-row-begging-for-mercy-as-questions-raised-over-uk-approach/

የኢትዮ-ሱዳን ድንበር ላይ ምልክት ማድረግ ሊጀመር ነው

ጥር ፲፫ (አሥራ ሦስት) ቀን ፳፻፰ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-በኢንፎርሜሽን መረብ ደህንነት ኤጀንሲ ወይም ኢንሳ አማካኝነት ሲካሄድ የከረመው የሁለቱን አጎራባች አገራት ድንበር የአየር ላይ ፎቶ ወይም erial photo acquisition የመስራቱ ስራ ለሁለት ሳምንት ከተቋረጠ በሁዋላ፣ ሰሞኑን እንደገና የተጀመረ ሲሆን፣ በድንበሩ ላይ ምልክት ለማድረግ እንቅስቃሴ መጀመሩን የደህንት መስሪያ ቤት ምንጮች ገልጸዋል።
በአሁኑ ሰአት በድንበሩ ዙሪያ መሬት ላይ ምልክት የማድረግ በእንግሊዝኛ pre mark ground control points እንዲሁም የካርታ ስራውን ለመስራት እንቅስቃሴ ተጀምሯል። ኢንሳ በአማራ ክልል መንግስት ስም በአርሶ አደሮች የእርሻ እና የግጦሽ መሬት ላይ ምልክት የማድረጉን ስራ ለመጀመር የተዘጋጀ ሲሆን፣ የአካባቢው ህዝብ እና የወረዳ ባለስልጣናት ምልክት በማስቀመጡ ስራ ላይ ትብብር እንዳያደረጉ የደህንነት ምንጮች ምክራቸውን ለግሰዋል።
የመለያ ምልክቶቹ ከአሸዋ፣ ስሚንቶና ጠጠር የሚሰሩ ሲሆን ፣ 3 ሜትር ቁመት እና 60 ሴንቲሜትር ስፋት ያላቸው በነጭና ጥቁር የተቀቡ ይሆናሉ። የቀለም አቀባባቸውም ነጭ፣ ጥቁር፣ ነጭና ጥቁር የሚሆኑ ሲሆን መሃሉ ነጭ ይሆናል።
ኢንሳ ተመሳሳይ የአየር ላይ ፎቶዎችን በወልቃይት ፣ አብደራፊ እንዲሁም ምእራብ አርማጭሆ አካባቢዎች የሚያነሳ ሲሆን፣ ሰፊ የሆነ መሬት ወደ ትግራይ ክልል በመውሰድ የወልቃይት የስኳር ፋብሪካ ፕሮጀክት እንዲጠቀምበት እያዘጋጀ ነው።
የስኳር ፋብሪካው አቮሪንጋ በሚባል የእስራኤል ኩባንያ የሚሰራ ይሆናል።

Source:http://ethsat.com/amharic/%E1%8B%A8%E1%8A%A2%E1%89%B5%E1%8B%AE-%E1%88%B1%E1%8B%B3%E1%8A%95-%E1%8B%B5%E1%8A%95%E1%89%A0%E1%88%AD-%E1%88%8B%E1%8B%AD-%E1%88%9D%E1%88%8D%E1%8A%AD%E1%89%B5-%E1%88%9B%E1%8B%B5%E1%88%A8%E1%8C%8D/

ድንገተኛ ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ይነሳል የሚል ስጋት የገጠመው መንግስት ማረጋጊያ ያላቸውን እርምጃዎች ሊወስድ ነው

ጥር ፲፫ (አሥራ ሦስት) ቀን ፳፻፰ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-በታህሳስ ወር መግቢያ ላይ በጦር ሃይሎች አካባቢ በሚገኝ አንድ የደህንነት ጽ/ቤት ውስጥ ከ50 በላይ የሚሆኑ የደህንነት አባላት በተሳተፉበት ስብሰባ ላይ ከማስተር ፕላኑ፣ ከኑሮ ውድነቱና ከሌሎችም ማህበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ችግሮች ጋር በተያያዘ ህዝቡ በድንገት ወደ አደባባይ ሊወጣ ይችላል የሚል መልእክት ተላልፏል።
በስብሰባው ላይ ለችግሩ መፍትሄ ያስገኛሉ የተባሉ በርካታ የመፍትሄ ሃሳቦች ቀርበዋል። የጦር መሳሪያዎች ያሉዋቸውን ሰዎች ተከታትሎ ከመቀማት ጀምሮ በሃይማኖት ጉዳዮች ላይ ትኩረት በማድረግ ስራዎችን መስራት እንደሚያስፈልግ ተሳታፊዎች ስምምነት ላይ ደርሰዋል። በእስር ላይ የሚገኙትን የሙስሊም መፍትሄ አፈላላጊ አባላት በከፊልና በአጠቃላይ መፍታት ህዝበ ሙስሊሙ ከተነሳው ወላፈን እንዲርቅ እንደሚያደርገው የተነገረ ሲሆን፣ ይህን ለማስፈጸም በውጭ አገር የሚገኙ የሙስሊም ድርጅቶች እንዲጋበዙና በታሳሪዎች ስም ይቅርታ እንዲጠይቁ ማድረግ ፤ ይህን የሚያደርጉ ሰዎች ቢቻል ከማህበረሰቡ ጋር ግንኙነት ያላቸው ቢሆኑ እንደሚመረጥ ስትራቴጂ ተነድፏል።
የኮሚቴው አባላት ከተቻለ በጸጥታ ሃይሎች በኩል ካልተቻለም ታስረው በተፈቱ ሌሎች ሙስሊሞች በኩል ግፊት ተደርጎባቸው ፣ የይቅርታ ጥያቄው የእነርሱ መሆኑንና የሚያመለክት ሰነድ እንዲፈርሙ ማድረግ፣ መንግስት እጁ አለበት እንዳይባል በመንግስት በኩል የተዘጋጀውን ዘጋቢ ዶክመንታሪ ለህዝቡ አስቀድሞ ማቅረብ ፣ ይሁን እንጅ መንግስት በአሸባሪዎች ላይ ጠንካራ አቋም እንዳለው ማሳየት ተገቢ መሆኑን ስትራቴጂው ያመለክታል። ይቅርታ ሊጠይቁ የሚመጡትን የውጭ እንግዶች በክብር ተቀብሎ ማስተናገድ፣ ቃለመጠይቅ ማድረግና ይህንኑ በብዙሃን መገናኛ ጉዳዩና ይቅርታው በእርግጥም የኮሚቴ አባላቱ መሆኑን ለህዝቡ ማቅርብ የሚለው አካሄድ ስልትም ተነድፏል። ይህንን ጉዳይ ለማስፈጸም ለውስጥ ጸጥታና ለጠ/ሚኒስትር ቢሮ ሪፖርት የሚያደርጉ በወ/ሮ አይጠግቡሽ ለሜሳ የሚመራ ኮሚቴ ተቋቁሟል።
የመጀመሪያውን ሂደት ለመገምገም በሚቀጥለው ሳምንት ቀጠሮ መያዙም ታወቋል። መንግስት ሙስሊሙ ማህበረሰብ በኦሮምያ የተነሳውን ህዝባዊ አመጽ ደግፎ እንዳይቆም የነደፈው ስትራቴጂ ውጤታማ ይሁን አይሁን በቅርቡ የሚታይ ይሆናል።
በሌላ በኩል በኦሮሚያ የተከሰተውን ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ተከትሎ በተለይ በአዲስአበባ ከተማ የሚገኙ የፌዴራልና የክልል መ/ቤቶች ውስጥ የሚገኙና ቁልፍ ቦታዎችን የያዙ የህወሀት አባላት የመደናገጥና የመቧደን አዝማሚያ እያሳዩ መምጣታቸውን የአዲስ አበባው ዘጋቢያችን ምንጮችን ዋቢ በማድረግ ገልጿል።
ለወትሮ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ አድርገው ራሳቸውን የሾሙ የህወሀት ካድሬዎችና አባላት ለብቻ የመሰብሰብ አዝማሚያ እያሳዩ ሲሆን በተለይ የኦህዴድ አባላትን በጥርጣሬ እየተመለከቱ መምጣታቸው በድርጅቶቹ መካከል ውጥረት እያስከተለ ነው።
በአንድ የመንግስት መ/ቤት ውስጥ የሚሰራ የኦህዴድ አባል ለዘጋቢያችን “ህወሀቶች ኦሮሚያ ክልል የተፈጠረው ህዝባዊ አመጽ የመንፈስ ስብራት አስከትሎባቸዋል።በተለይ ደግሞ ከአመጹ ጀርባ የኦህዴድ አባላት አሉበት ብለው በማመናቸው ከፍተኛ ፍርሀትና መረበሽ እየታየባቸው ነው። ትላንት ህወሀትን ተጠግቶ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ የነበረው አንገቱን ደፍቶ ሲሄድ፣ከሌሎች የህወሃት አባላት ጋር ብቻ ሲወጣና ሲገባ ታገኘዋለህ። በመንግስት ተቁዋማት በግልጽ የዘር ልዩነቱ እያፈጠጠ መምጣቱ አሳዛኝ ነው” ሲል ተናግሮአል።
ሌላው ታዛቢም “ህወሀቶች ለብቻቸው ስብሰባ አብዝተዋል፣ሳያውቁት ራሳቸውን ከኢህአዴግ ሰዎች ጭምር እየነጠሉ ነው” ብሎአል።
የኦሮሚያን አመጽ ለማረጋጋት ሲባል የኦሮሞ ልጆች በህወሀት ደህንነትና ፖሊሶች ኢሰብአዊ በሆነ መንገድ መገደላቸው በርካታ የኦህዴድ አባላትን ጭምር ማስቆጣቱ ጉዳዩ በቀጣይ የግንባሩ የልዪነት ምንጭ በመሆን ውስጣዊ ቀውስ ሊያስከትል ይችላል።

Source:http://ethsat.com/amharic/%E1%8B%B5%E1%8A%95%E1%8C%88%E1%89%B0%E1%8A%9B-%E1%88%85%E1%8B%9D%E1%89%A3%E1%8B%8A-%E1%89%B0%E1%89%83%E1%8B%8D%E1%88%9E-%E1%8B%AD%E1%8A%90%E1%88%B3%E1%88%8D-%E1%8B%A8%E1%88%9A%E1%88%8D-%E1%88%B5/

የአለማቀፍ ድርጅቶች በኢትዮጵያ የተከሰተው ረሃብ ከአቅም በላይ ነው ቢሉም መንግስት እያጣጣለው ነው

ጥር ፲፫ (አሥራ ሦስት) ቀን ፳፻፰ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ሪዩተርስ ዛሬ ባወጣው ዘገባ በኢትዮጵያ አስከፊ በተባለው ረሃብ 400 ሺ ህጻናት ከፍተኛ አደጋ አንዣቦባቸዋል። አንድ አስረኛ የሚሆነው ህዝብ ራሱን መመገብ በማይችልበት ደረጃ መደረሱን ዘጋባው አመልክቶ፣ የአለማቀፉ ማህበረሰብ የሚሰጠው ምላሽ አነስተኛ መሆን ችግሩን አሳሳቢ ደረጃ ላይ አድርሶታል።
በአሜሪካ የህጻናት አድን ድርጅት ፕሬዚዳንት ካሮሊን ማይልስ አፋርና አማራ ክልሎችን መጎብኘታቸውን ለዜና ምንጩ ገልጸው፣ በምግብ እጥረት የተነሳ ሆስፒታል የገቡ ህጻናትን ማየታቸውን ተናግረዋል።
በአማራ አካባቢ አንድ እናት የ3 ወር መንታ ልጆቻቸውን ማጥባት ተስኖአቸው ማየታቸውን የገለጹት ሃላፊዋ፣ መንግስት በየስድስት ሳምንቱ የሚሰጣቸው እርዳታ ለአንድ ሳምንት ብቻ የሚያቆይ መሆኑን ተናግረዋል።እርዳታው በፍጹም ህይወትን ለማቆየት የሚረዳ አይደለም በማለት መንግስት በቂ እርዳታ እየሰጠሁ ነው በማለት የሚሰጠውን መግለጫ አጣጥለውታል።
ረሃቡን ለመቋቋም 1 ቢሊዮን 400 ሚሊዮን የአሜሪካን ዶላር ቢያስፈልግም፣ የአለማቀፉ የምግብ ፕሮግራም እስካሁን ያገኘው ድጋፍ 13 በመቶውን ብቻ የሚሸፍን ነው። ድርጅቱ ለጋሽ አገራት ገንዘብ በመለገስ ከአገር ውስጥ ገበያ ገዝተው እንዲያከፋፍሉ ለማድረግ ፍላጎት ቢኖርም፣ በቂ ሸመታ ለማካሄድ የሚያስችል የእህል አቅርቦት ባለመኖሩ የምግብ እርዳታ እንዲደረግ እየጠበቁ ነው። እርዳታው አሁኑኑ ካልደረሰ ችግሩ ይባባሳል ሲል የአለም የምግብ ፕሮግራም አስጠንቅቋል።
መንግስት የውጭ ድርጅቶች እርዳታ ለማግኘት ሲሉ ችግሩን አጋነው እያቀረቡት ነው በማለት ወቀሳ ያቀርባል። የመንግስት መግለጫ የአለማቀፍ ማህበረሰቡ አፋጣኝ መለስ እንዳይሰጥ ማድረጉን ታዛቢዎች ይገልጻሉ።

Source:http://ethsat.com/amharic/%E1%89%A0%E1%8A%A6%E1%88%AE%E1%88%9D%E1%8B%AB%E1%8A%93-%E1%89%A0%E1%89%B0%E1%88%88%E1%8B%AB%E1%8B%A9-%E1%8B%A8%E1%8A%A0%E1%8C%88%E1%88%AA%E1%89%B1-%E1%8A%AD%E1%8D%8D%E1%88%8E%E1%89%BD-%E1%8B%A8/

Ethiopia’s Invisible Crisis

Protests broke out in Ethiopia in November, and the government is continuing its massive crackdown.

By Felix Horne, January 22, 2016.

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Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn confers with President Barack Obama

“Badessa” was a third-year engineering student in western Ethiopia in April 2014 when he and most of his classmates joined a protest over the potential displacement of ethnic Oromo farmers like his family because of the government’s plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into the farmland.

The night of the first protests he was arrested and taken to an unmarked detention center. Each night he heard his fellow students screaming in agony as one by one they were tortured by interrogators. “I still hear the screams,” he told me later. Eventually his turn came to be interrogated. “What kind of country is it when I voice concern that my family could lose their farm for a government project and I am arrested, tortured, and now living as a refugee?”

Since mid-November, large-scale protests have again swept through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, and the response from security forces has again been brutal. They have killed countless students and farmers, and arrested opposition politicians and countless others. On January 12, the government announced it was cancelling the master plan, but that hasn’t stopped the protests and the resultant crackdown.

Although the protest was initially about the potential for displacement, it has become about so much more. Despite being the biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia, Oromos have often felt marginalized by successive governments and feel unable to voice concerns over government policy. Oromos who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise mistreated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a group that has long been mostly inactive and that the government designated a terrorist organization.

The government is doing all it can to make sure that the news of these protests doesn’t circulate within the country or reach the rest of the world. Ethiopia’s allies, including governments in the region and the African Union, have largely stood by as Ethiopia has steadily strangled the ability of ordinary Ethiopians to access information and peacefully express their views, whether in print or in public demonstrations. But they should be worried about what is happening in Oromia right now, as Ethiopia — Africa’s second most-populous country and a key security ally of the US — grapples with this escalating crisis.

This may prove to be the biggest political event to hit Ethiopia since the controversial 2005 elections resulted in a crackdown on protesters in which security forces killed almost 200 people and arrested tens of thousands .

Although the government focuses its efforts on economic development and on promoting a narrative of economic success, for many farmers in Oromia and elsewhere economic development comes at a devastating cost. As one Oromo student told me “All we hear about is development. The new foreign-owned farms and roads is what the world knows, but that just benefits the government. For us [Oromos] it means we lose our land and then we can’t sustain ourselves anymore.”

It has become almost impossible for journalists and human rights monitors to get information about what is happening, especially in smaller towns and rural areas outside Addis Ababa.

Ethiopia is one of the most restrictive environments for independent investigation, reporting, and access to information, earning the country a top-10 spot in the global ranking of jailers of journalists. For the past decade, the government has limited access to information by regularly threatening, imprisoning, and prosecuting individual activists, bloggers, and journalists and sending a clear public message that the media must self-censor and that dissent or criticism of government policy will not be tolerated.

Independent media have dwindled—more than 70 journalists have fled the country since 2010 and five of the last independent publications closed down before the May elections. Meanwhile the state-run media parrot the government line, in this case claiming that the Oromo protesters are linked to “terrorist groups” and “anti-peace elements” who are “aiming to create havoc and chaos.”

Very few international journalists are based in Ethiopia. Those who have attempted to cover events on the ground since the protests began have braved threats and arrest, but these are a few lone voices.

Given restrictions on local and international media, you might think that ordinary citizens, local activists, and nongovernmental organizations would fill the gaps and document the events in Oromia. But Ethiopia’s human rights activists and independent groups have been crushed by draconian legislation and threats, and even ordinary people are often terrified to speak out. People who dare to speak to international media outlets or independent groups have been arrested. The government taps phone lines and uses European-made spyware to target journalists and opposition members outside the country.

Since the protests began, the restrictions have become even harsher. Authorities have arrested people, including health workers, for posting photos and videos or messages of support on social media. The state-run telecom network has also been cut in some areas, making it much more difficult to get information out from hotspots.

Radio and satellite television outlets based outside Ethiopia, including some diaspora stations, play a key role disseminating information about the protests within Oromia, as they also did in 2014 during the last round of protests. Last year numerous people were arrested in Oromia during the protests merely for watching the diaspora-run Oromia Media Network (OMN).

The government has frequently jammed foreign stations in the past, violating international regulations in the process. When the government is unable to jam it puts pressure on the satellite companies themselves. Throughout the protests government agents have reportedly been destroying satellite dishes.

Yet despite the clear efforts to muzzle voices, information is coming out. Some protesters are losing their fear of expressing dissent and are speaking openly about the challenges they are facing. Social media plays a key role in disseminating information as people share photos and videos of rallies, of bloodied protesters, and of expressions of peaceful resistance in the face of security forces using excessive force.

In the coming days and weeks Ethiopia’s friends and partners should condemn the use of excessive force by security forces that is causing tragic and unnecessary deaths. But they should also be clear that Ethiopia needs to ensure access to information and stop disrupting telecommunications and targeting social media users. The world needs to know what is happening in Oromia—and Ethiopians have a right to know what is happening in their country.

Felix Horne is the Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Source:http://fpif.org/ethiopias-invisible-crisis/#sthash.G6OwEM3f&st_refDomain=t.co&st_refQuery=/aN3da3vTfa

ETHIOPIA MUST STOP USE OF ANTI-TERROR LAW TO CURTAIL LEGITIMATE POLITICAL DEBATE AND DISSENT

(OPride) — Ethiopia must revise its controversial and flawed anti-terrorism proclamation and stop its routine application to stifle free expression and political dissent, the Oakland Institute and the Environmental Defender Law Center said in a new legal brief.

“Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law is premised on an extremely broad and vague definition of terrorist activity,” the report said. “It is a definition that permits the government to repress internationally protected freedoms and to crack down on political dissent, including peaceful political demonstrations and public criticisms of government policy.”

The United Nations and numerous international human rights groups have long accused Ethiopia of criminalizing dissent using the 2009 anti-terrorism law, which according to the new analysis by the Oakland Institute, gives police and security forces unprecedented powers to curtail citizens’ rights. The damning 22-page report compiles existing legal analysis of the law and the government’s rampant misuse.

Since its enactment six years ago, hundreds of people — from all walks of life — including government opponents, exiled and domestic opposition leaders, journalists, and human rights defenders have been charged as terrorists under the law, the report said. Some critics have even been charged for alleged crimes that took place before the law was ratified.

Unlike other anti-terrorism laws in the post 9/11 era, the manner in which Ethiopia’s law have been applied “violates international human rights law, as well as modern criminal justice and due process standards,” the report said. “In short, the law is a tool of repression, designed and used by the Ethiopian government to stifle its critics and political opposition, and criminalize the robust discussion of matters of enormous public interest and importance.” Suspects have been sentenced to long-term imprisonment and even the death penalty for offenses that don’t fit any credible definition to terrorism, the report added.

The Oakland Institute’s conclusions draw on wide-ranging criticism for the content and misuse of Ethiopia’s terrorism proclamation, including prior findings by the U.N. Commissioner for Human Rights, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Counter-Terrorism and Human Rights, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, and the United States government and the European Union.

The report, Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Law: A Tool to Stifle Dissent, detailed behaviors that would otherwise be considered legitimate in democratic countries. It documents the arrest and trial of Zone 9 bloggers, who spent nearly 18 months in jail for writing articles critical of those in power; the arrest and charging of former World Bank Inspection Panel interpreter, Okello Akway Ochalla; the kidnapping in Yemen of UK citizen and opposition leader Andargachew Tsege; the prior conviction based on falsified evidence and recent re-arrest of Oromo opposition leader Bekele Gerba and several government critics and journalists, including Eskinder Nega.

Ethiopia faces sustained protests in the Oromia region. At least 150 people have been killed in the heavy-handed crackdown on peaceful protests that began in mid-November. The European Parliament on Thursday adopted a 19-point resolution that has been hailed as the “strongest” yet from the international community.

The parliament “strongly” condemned the use of violence by Ethiopian security forces and renewed reports of human rights violations in Ethiopia. It urged Ethiopia to immediately release "all those jailed for exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression." The resolution also called for “a credible, transparent and independent investigation into the killings” of Oromo protesters and related human rights violations in the country.

Unsurprisingly, Ethiopia has accused peaceful protests of being terrorists and tools of “anti-peace forces” bent on destabilizing the country. Thousands of protesters, journalists, and Oromo opposition leaders, who were swept up in the widening security dragnet over the past two months are likely to be charged under the sweeping anti-terrorism law. Unfortunately, the government’s well-documented misuse of the law to curtail free expression and political dissent, as documented by the Oakland Institute report, suggests that the fate of Oromo protesters will not be different.

In a related development, a group of United Nations human rights experts called on Ethiopia “to end the ongoing crackdown on peaceful protests” and ensure accountability for abuses by its security forces. “The sheer number of people killed and arrested suggests that the Government of Ethiopia views the citizens as a hindrance, rather than a partner,” the U.N. experts said.

The U.N. experts welcomed the reported scrapping of the Addis Ababa master plan, which served as a trigger for the protests while expressing concern about the ensuing crackdown. “The Government’s decision is a positive development, but it cannot be seen as a sincere commitment until the security forces stop their crackdown on peaceful protests,” the experts said in a statement. “The role of security forces should be to protect demonstrators and to facilitate peaceful assemblies, not suppress them.”

Echoing similar calls by the U.S. State Department and the EU parliament, the team of four U.N. human rights experts called on Ethiopia “to immediately release protesters who seem to have been arrested for exercising their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and expression, to reveal the whereabouts of those reportedly disappeared and to carry out an independent, transparent investigation into the security forces’ response to the protests.” 

Source:http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/3819-ethiopia-must-stop-use-of-anti-terror-law-to-curtail-legitimate-political-debate-and-dissent

#OromoProtests: What You Need to Know About Ethiopia’s Crisis That No One Is Talking About

Ethiopian migrants, all members of the Oromo community of Ethiopia living in Malta, protest in Valletta against the Ethiopian regime’s plan to evict Oromo farmers to expand Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, Dec. 21, 2015. Reuters

The Oromo protests in Ethiopia.  The issue has received little attention in global mainstream media, but it is one that demands our attention.  The latest news coming out of the East African nation is troubling, with at least 140 protesters killed in the past few months, according to Human Rights Watch. This represents the greatest bloodshed facing the East African nation since 2005, when 200 people died in post-election violence.  Moreover, based on data from #EthiopiaCrisis, 2,000 reportedly have been injured, 30,000 arrested and 800 disappeared.

As Al Jazeera reported, police were accused of opening fire and killing dozens of protesters in April and May of 2014.

With the largest population of any of the federal states in Ethiopia, Oromia has a population of about 27 million—40 percent of the country’s population.  The nation’s largest ethnic group, Oromians have their own language, Oromo, which is separate from the official language, Amharic.

At issue in the current conflict is the convergence of ethnic strife, land and economics, beginning with the expansion of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. As NPR reported, the larger picture is that the world is growing, and there is a big demand for food and arable land.  Africa has 60 percent of the usable farmland, and in Ethiopia, the government, which owns all of the nation’s land, has leased large parcels of land to foreign investors from China, India and the Mideast.

Students from the Oromo community protest in Germany

In November, protests were set off when a forest was being cleared for development, as part the “master plan” by the Ethiopian government to expand the capital city into surrounding farmland in Oromia.  Supporters of greater urbanization, known as the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa, note that the nation faces a food shortage. They believe the nation is susceptible to famine because too many Ethiopians live in rural areas and depend on agriculture.  However, people in Oromia claim they are being displaced from their ancestral lands.

As VOA reported, the government plans to develop the farmland outside Addis Ababa into a new business zone.  Protesters claim the plan will result in marginalization and reduced autonomy for the Oromo people living outside the nation’s capital.  Meanwhile, the Ethiopian government claims the development project on the farmland will lead to new business and benefits to all groups.

As the Washington Post recently reported, President Obama has expressed concern over the events in Ethiopia, while also saying the “United States has consistently applauded Ethiopia for being a model and a voice for development in Africa.”

The nation has been hailed by the U.S. for its economic growth and engaging in the war against al-Shabab, the Somali terrorist group.  And Ethiopia has reportedly received substantial aid from the U.S. in this regard.  At the same time, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front regime has been accused of silencing protest and dissent.  For example, Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress—Oromia’s largest registered political party—was arrested.  In addition, the government also allegedly arrested and beat Oromo singer Hawi Tezera, who has a song about the protests.

Further, there are reports of the Ethiopian government clamping down on media outlets covering the protests. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the nation is one of the leading jailers of journalists.  Authorities have reportedly arrested journalists such as Getachew Shiferaw, editor in chief of the Negere Ethiopia news site, under terrorism charges, and Fikadu Mirkana of Oromia Radio and TV.  Further, according to the Post, the government jammed the broadcasting satellite of the U.S.-based television channel ESAT, which has been reporting on the demonstrations by students and farmers.

Although the most recent catalyst for recent protests is the development plan to expand Addis Ababa into Oromia—of which millions of farmers fear displacement—there have been tensions and grievances developing for quite some time.  The Oromo have expressed a sense of marginalization and being pushed out of  mainstream national life.

According to the group Global Voices, of the nearly 140 peaceful protesters killed in Ethiopia since November, most were killed at close range.  More than 70 percent of the dead are reportedly male students, with male farmers accounting for around 20 percent of the deaths.  Also among the victims are women and school teachers, including one seven-month pregnant woman and her sister-in-law, who were killed while attempting to escape arrest.  Further, at least 10 people were reportedly tortured and killed while in prison, according to Global Voices.

Meanwhile, this round of protests is believed to be unprecedented because of broad-based support and participation—with inter-ethnic coalitions despite the ethnic lines marking the country, including a number of non-Oromo civic groups and political organizations. They are also employing tactics of civil disobedience such as lunch boycotts, sit-ins and roadblocks.

However, the Ethiopian government has characterized its response as being part of the war on terror.  Authorities accuse protesters of having links to terrorist groups, according to the Sudan Tribune, and announced that the nation’s Anti-Terrorism Task Force would be leading the response.

“By treating both opposition politicians and peaceful protesters with an iron fist, the government is closing off ways for Ethiopians to nonviolently express legitimate grievances,” said Felix Horne of Human Rights Watch, according to Al Jazeera. “This is a dangerous trajectory that could put Ethiopia’s long-term stability at risk,” he warned.

Source:https://atlantablackstar.com/2016/01/11/oromoprotests-what-you-need-to-know-about-ethiopias-crisis-that-no-one-is-talking-about/