‪#‎OromoProtests‬ here is names and places for 141 Oromos who have been killed since the upraising began on November 12, 2015.

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ here is names and places for 141 Oromos who have been killed since the upraising began on November 12, 2015. These are victims whose full information has reached us. The total reported death toll is over 217.
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Armaan gaditti kan agartan maqaa ilmaan Oromoo 141 erga mormiin kun Sadaasa dabree dhooyee as Wayyaaneen ajjeefamaniiti. Kun wareegamtoota maqaafi bakka itti rukutaman argachuun danda'ameeti. Waliigalatti hamma ammaatti namoonni ajjeefamuun isaanii gabaafame 217 gahee jira.
Ibsaa Badhaasa qindeessitee galmeessuu keetiif galatoomi.

Name Location
1. Gezahegn Oliqa....Welega...Horoguduru
2. Gutu Abera Deresa.....W.Welega..Guliso
3. Karasa Chala.....W. Welega....Guliso
4. Debala Tafa Robi..... N. Shewa....Fiche
5. Dejene Serbesa......W.Shewa...Tole
6. Mifta Juneydi Bushira.....W.Hararghe...Badano Furda
7. Murad Abdi..... …….E.Hararghe, Haromaya
8. Lucha Gamachu......W. Walaga...Inango
9. Ayana Banti..............W. Walaga...Inango
10. Tafari Dhangia.........E. Walaga.Jimarjo
11. Dame Dabali............W. Walaga..Maqnajo
12. Gamachis Tilahun....W. Walaga..Najo
13. Tilahun Mulata.........W. Walaga.D/Dolo
14. Kano Tola.................E. Waolaga..Gabate
15. Ebisa Tucho.............E.Walaga...Fincha
16. Alazar Kalbesa.........W. welega
17. Bekele Soboka........ W. Shawa...Mugar
18. Bekele Seifu.............W. Shawa...Mugar
19. Chala Tashoma........W. Shawa...Babicha
20. Abdeta Bayisa.........W. Shawa...Babicha
21. Dule.........................W. Shawa...Gedo
22. Tamene Tsegaye...........W. Shawa...Gedo
23. Daraje Gadisa..........W. Shawa....Gedo
24. Fikadu Girma...........W. Shawa....Gedo
25 . Ulfata Chimdi...........W. Shawa...Ambo
26. Girma Ragasa..........W. Shawa...Ambo
27. Lamesa Fayisa........W. Shawa...Ambo
28. Chalchisa Gonfa.....W. Shawa...Asgori
29 .Bilbila Lalisa.............W. Shoa..Asgori
30. Debela Tafa............N.Shawa...Chancho
31. Diso Milkesa...........SW. Shawaa...Ilfata
32. Yalaw Damise.........SW.Shawa..Ilfata
33. Abebe Bulo.............SW.Shawa...Waliso
34. Tade Sefera............SW.Shawa...Amaya
35. Solomon Mogos.....SW.Shawa...Amaya
36. Lencho Hundara.....SW.Shwaa...Waliso
37. Sarbesa Sirnesa.....SW.Shawa...Citu
38. Ayana Rikita...........SW.Shawa..Waliso
39. Wako Moroda.........SW.Shawa..Waliso
40. Habtamu Tsagaye..SW.Shawa..Waliso
41. Tariku Asefa............SW.Shawa..Waliso
42. Boru Gutama...........SW.Shawa..Amaya
43. Inawagaw Hayilu....W.Shawa..Gindabrat
44. Abdeta Lata...........W.Shawa..Gindabrat
45. Bayisa Gedafa.......W.Shawa..Gindabrat
46. Tadesa Dhaba.......W.Shoa..Gindabrat
47. Kabade Tafa...........W.Shawa..Gindabrat
48. Tadese Tsige.........W.shawa....Gindabrat
49. Tadese Dhaba.......W.Shawa..Gindabrat
50. Biranu Hayilu.........W.Shawa..Gindabrat
51. Tadese Abdisa.......W.Shawa..Wanchi
52. Kebede Tadesa......W.Shawa..wanchi
53. Daraje Warkine........W.Shawa..Wanchi
54. Sirnesa Sarbesa......W.Shawa..Wanchi
55. Tashale Irgesa.........W.Shawa..wanchi
56. Aschalo Worku........W.Shawa..Ginchi
57. Seifu Tura................W.Shawa...Ginchi
58. Zarihun..NA.............W.Ginchi
59. Gelane Bekana.........W.Shawa....Chitu
60. Ashenafi .....NA........W.shawa...Ginchi
61. Dinka Chala..............W.Shawa...Ginchi
62. Tsagaye Abara.........W.Shawa..Jaldu
63. Tadasa Jambare......W.Shawa...Jaldu
64. Baqalaa Ragasa......W.Shawa.. Jaldu
65. Biranu Bajiga...........W.Shawa....Jaldu
66. Chaltu Tadesa.........W.Shawa....Jaldu
67. Dajane Bayisa..........W.Shawa....Jaldu
68. Nato Guluma............W.Shawa....Jaldu
69. Magarsa Baji............W.Shawa....Jaldu
70. Bekele Tumsa...........W.Shawa...Jaldu
71. Abeba Gabisa...........W.Shawa....Jaldu
72. Huseen Dula.............W.Arsi...Hadaba
73. Misra Haji Nabo.........W.Arsi...Dodola
74. Nasredin Mohamed...W.Arsi..Hadaba
75. Awel Ibrahim.....W.Arsi....Hadaba
76. Tolasa Lelisa...Welega....Horoguduru...Watiyo
77. Birhanu Dinka...W.Shewa...Wanchi
78. Ababa Gabisa...W. Shewa...Dandi..Galesa
79. Murata Alemu...Sululta
80. Meserat Dinka...... Welega...Lalo Qile
81. Tilahun Gemechis...Welega....Najo
82. Merete Alemu Gutema...Sululta
83. Adunya Ireso...... Welega... Alibo
84. Izaddin......W.Hararghe...chiro
85. Alazar kelbesa...W. Welega...Inango
86. Zewdu Siyum...W. Shewa...Adeaberga...Mugar
87. Hora Banti Irena....Ilu Ababor...Gachi
88. Abbas Abduraman....W.Hararghe...Mesela
89. Feyisa Dadhi...W. Shewa...Mugar
90. Chala Mohammed Ahmed...E.Hararghe....Haromaya
91. Bari Seid Ali...W. Hararghe...Mesela
92. Soboka Dilgasu...W. Shewa...Midekign
93. Fahmi Abduraman...Hararghe...Calanko
94. Abdata Olansa...W. Shewa...Ambo
95. Lenco Dinkesa....W. Shewa...Wadesa
96. Abdalla Muhamad Ibro...W. Hararge...Asabot
97. Biruk(Tolasa) Dhufera...W.Shewa...AbunaGindabarat
98. Abdellaa Mohamed.....W.Hararghe...Mieso
99. Yasino Abdalla Ali....W.Hararghe...Mieso
100. Abdala Hasan ...... W.Hararge...Mieso
101. Musa Hasan....W.Hararge....Miesso...sodoma
102. Abdulhakim....W. Hararghe...Mieso..buri
103. Ahmad...W.Hararghe...Mieso...Anano
104. Adam Abdala Ali ...W.Hararghe...Mieso
105. Mohammed Nama...W.Hararghe...Miesso
106. Shelema Teresa...Welega...Jimarare...Goban
107. Muhamad Adem Roba...W.Hararghe...Asabot...Wajaji
108. Birhanu Gadisa...W.Shewa...Wadesa
109. Usmail Sufyan Adem...W.Hararghe...Doba
110. Abeba Lata....W.Shewa...Jibat...Shanan
111. Zerihun Jirenya Beyene......E. Welega.... Arjo Gudetu
112. Gabayyoo Amsalu …………W/Shewa, Bakkoo Tibbee
113. Tahir Abdu ……………. …..In Arsi,Qadiir
114. Barihunu Shibiruu …………W/Shewa, Iluu Galaan,Ijaji
115. Abara Dhabaa………………S/W/ Shewa,Qarsa Mallima, Habebe
116. Ishetu Fedhessa……….. …W/Wallega,Canqaa
117. Almazi Guddata ……………W/Wallega,Canqaa
118. Labata dinkessa …………...W/Shewa,Ambo
119. Bari Said Aliyyi ……………..W/Harargee,Masala
119. Awayi Aliyyi …………………W/Arsi,Adaba
120. Chala Ahmed ………………Hararge,Haromaya
121. Addisu Tariku……………….E/Wallega,,Arjo guddatu
122. Zerihun Jirenya……………..E/Wallega, Arjo Guddatu
123. Dirriba Balacho …………….S/W/Shewa,Tole Abebe
124. Kuma Lebjisa ……………….S/W/Shewa,Tole Abebe
125. Dadhii Kumsa………………..S/W/Shewa,Tole Abebe
126. Bekele................................W/shawaa,Dandii
127. Raggaasaa Caalaa…….........W/Shewa,Gincii
128. Alaminaa Mangashaa ………W/Shawa,Ilfataa goso mika'elitii
129 Gabayyo …………………...…E/Wallega,Sasigaa
130. Alamigana Tashoma………. W/Shewa,Ambo, Biloo
131. Toleraa Lelisaa ………………W/S/Shewa,Iluu ,Amdoo Migiraa
132. Darajjee Gonfaa………………W/Shewa,Jalduu, Bichoti
133. Ifaa Indiris ……………………..W/Arsi/Booraa,Deeggaa
134. Shaashoo Firdiisaa……………E/Wallega,Horroo guduru,Waatiyyo
135. Qananii Fiqaaduu……………..E/Wallega,Horroo guduru,Waatiyyo
136. Tolosa Dufera Obsina ……….W/Shewa,Abune Gindabrat.
137. Badhadha Kabada……………W/Shewa,Muger.
138. Yadata Guya ………………….W/Wallega,Horra Sabbu.
139. Wandimne Wayesa………......W/Wallega,Horra sabbu.
140. Tajir Xaha Adam……………...E/Hararge,Malkaballo.
141. Magarsa Mohamad…………..E/Hararge,Malkaballo.

Source: https://www.facebook.com/Jawarmd/posts/10102106178353493

Dej. Geresu Duki – the Unsung Oromo Hero Who Helped Defeat Fascist Colonialism in Ethiopia

Geresu Duki’s hometown Waliso had been the epicenter of the Oromo Protests in December 2015. The following is the story of Dej. Geresu Duki …

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Geresu Duki (Garasuu Dhukii) was born in Waliso, in the National Regional State of Oromia in Ethiopia, around 1905; his father was ObboDhukii Gulummaa, and his mother Aaddee Warqee Elemoo. Growing up in the Maru locality in Waliso, Geresu Duki was known by the nickname Abbaa Booraa.

Dej. Garasuu Dhukii Gulummaa

By his early thirties, Fit. Geresu Duki became one of the army leaders of the resistance movement against the Italian Fascist colonial regime, which occupied all of Ethiopia, including Oromia, between 1936 and 1941. The Italian Fascist colonial regime converted all the people in Ethiopia to the class of subjects (i.e. second-class citizens) on their own country with the Fascist Italian colonial rulers as the first-class citizens, i.e. those citizens with real political and socio-economic power. All native farmers were subject to be evicted from their land at any time, and the land would then be given to Italian colonial plantation owners to grow coffee and other cash crops; other Italian colonial rulers went on to build factories, luxury homes and shops (such as the ones in areas known as Piaza and Kassanchis in Finfinne/Addis) on their newly acquired land. At the expense of the natives, they showed roads, luxury houses and factories, all owned by the Italian colonial rulers, as their contributions to drive darkness (i.e. poverty and backwardness) out of the dark continent.

During the five-year occupation of Ethiopia by the Fascist colonial regime, any Italian supporter of the colonial regime could go to any part of Oromia (and any other part of Ethiopia) and claim any land of the natives (who had been made subjects) for their own; any native (such as Oromo, Amhara, Sidama, etc.) who opposed the Italian colonial regime’s eviction was shot dead or thrown to prison. Those who protested these unfair living conditions were taken to the streets and murdered summarily in public, or were taken to remote prisons to languish and die. Another Oromo hero Major Abdisa Aga was one of those protesters in Ethiopia who refused to accept the Italian colonial system, and later got caught – he was taken to Mogadishu (then under the Italian colonial rule) and then to Europe. His fight to get his freedom back from the colonial grip exemplifies valor for all mankind.

Tefera Geresu Dhuki, 15-year-old son of Geresu Duki

It was this Fascist colonial regime, that was armed to its teeth with the latest modern weapons of that era, that the ragtag Oromo army of Fit. Geresu Duki fought against in the trenches, on the hills and meadows of the Waliso-Jimma corridor in Oromia as well as in the Omo region in the Southern State in Ethiopia – in cooperation with the British/Allies’ forces in East Africa. At the height of the war against the Fascist colonialism, Fit. Geresu Duki was able to mobilize an army of 55,000 Oromo men and women, including his own son, Tefera Geresu Duki (aged around 15 at the time), to liberate the region spanning from Waliso to Jimma in Oromia, and to the Omo region in Southern State in Ethiopia.

Soon after the completion of the war against the Fascist colonial regime in 1941; however, Dej. Geresu Duki’s decorated and heroic war achievements were found to be threats to the political power of the then imperial regime of Ethiopia. Because of this, Dej. Geresu Duki was banished to remote corners of the country – he spent his years humiliated on the land he helped liberate from Fascist colonialism. He finally died of a suspected poisoning case while he was under house arrest in Adama in the mid 1960’s. In those days, many heroes and heroines were denied recognition for their achievements during the war against the Fascist colonial rule due to the fear of their political influences against the then imperial rule; some like Dej. Geresu Duki were banished and lived the rest of their lives humiliated; others like Dej. Belai Zelleqe of Gojjam were executed summarily.

The following is an Afan Oromo biography of Dej. Geresu Duki.

Garasuu Dhukii (Abbaa Booraa)

In magnificent silhouette, Dej. Geresu Duki watches his army cross the Omo river into Italian territory (circa 1936-1941)

Garasuu Dhukii abbaa isaa Obbo Dhukii Gulummaafi haadha isaa Aaddee Warqee Elemoorraa Caamsaa 27, 1905 dhalate. Bakki dhaloota isaas karaa Jimmaarraa magaalaa Walisoo cinaatti kan argamu naannoo Maaruu jedhamutti. Garasuun umrii isaa ijoollummaatti barumsa isaafi jireenya hawaasummaa kanneen birootiin baay’ee cimaa, walii galteerrattis mudaa kan hinqabne waan ta’eef, namoota hunda biratti jaallatamaa ture.

Tapha Garasuun jaallatu keessaa inni guddaan fardaan gulufuudha. Akkuma ijoollee abbaa lafaa naannoo Maaruu, ogummaa fardaan gulufuu, gaachana qolachuu, eeboo darbachuufi, adamoo shaakalaa ture. Abbaa isaa duukaa waltajjii adda addaarratti argamuun akkaataa dubbii barachaa hojiirra oolchuun hunda durse. Ija jabinaafi cimina isaa kanarraa kan ka’e, bifa farda inni yeroo hundaa gulufisiisuu jaallatuun namootaafi hiriyoota isaatiin umrii waggaa kudhanitti maqaan masoo, ‘Abbaa Booraa’ jedhu kennameef. Yeroo dirree waraanaa ture farda adii yaabbatullee, maqaa dhuma kanaan hamma lubbuun isaa dabartutti waamamaa ture. Yeroo tokko mootii Haayile-Sillaaseefi haati warraa isaa giiftii Manan bishaan ho’aa lafa keessaa burqu, isa Walisoo daawwachuuf yeroo deemanitti Garasuun farda isaatiin dura, duraa gulufuun karaa agarsiisaa turuurra darbee uummataafi mooticha duratti ba’uun waa’ee naannichaa haasawaa qalbii namaa hawwatuufi ogummaan guutame taasise. Martuu itti gammadee, ‘Ijarraa hafi; guddadhu,’ jedheen. Ogummaafi ciminni akkasumas, ijajabinni isaa qalbii mootiifi giiftii seenee, faara tolaan akka ilaalamu taasise. Loltummaanis waggoota torbaaf erga tajaajilee booda jabinaafi amanamummaa isaatiin filatamee itti dhiyeenyaan mooticha akka tajaajilu taasifame. Waggoota muraasaaf mootii erga tajaajilee booda, eeyyama mootiitiin loltoota ilma isaanii Asfaawasanitti makame.

Garasuun loltoota Asfaawasan waliin gara Walloo deemuun achirraas Ambaalaagee kan jiran loltoota Raas Kaasaatti dabalamuun Xaaliyaaniitti duulan. Lola bakka Tamben jedhamtu kan Tigiraayi keessaa jirturratti si’a lama geggeeffameefi kan Maayicawurratti (RAAYYAA) geggeeffame keessaatti loltuu diinaa madfifi matarayasii, qilleensarraan ammoo, xiyyaaraan gaasii summii facaasuun lolu jala dhaabachuu waan dadhabaniif kaan dhumanii kaan booji’amanii, kaan ammoo baqatanii lubbuun harkaa ba’anii gara Wallootti deebi’uun karaa Warraa Iluu Finfinnee galan. Haala kana keessatti cimina geggeessummaa isaarraan kan ka’e loltoonni Garasuu dursaa turan.

Kumaalaa Garasuun erga Finfinneetti deebi’ees, osoo wal’aansoofi dadhabbii lolichaa hinjiilin kutannoofi jaalala biyya isaatiif qaburraa kan ka’e, naannoo dhaloota isaa Maaruutti deebi’uun hojii gootummaa itti fufuuf murteesse. Yeroo kana mootii Haayile-Sillaaseen hooggantoota waraanaa hedduu waliin biyya Ingiliziitti baqatan. Kaan ammoo, Xaaliyaaniitti harka kennaan; Gariinis nibooji’aman; kaan ammoo nidhuman. Kun marti Garasuufi gootota muraasa jilbeemfachiisuu hindandeenye. Waggoota shaniif yeroo Xaaliyaaniin biyyicha bulchaa turte keessatti loltuu qopheeffate waliin riphee loluun diina bahaagala dhowwaa ture. Kallattiinis ba’uun diina humna lafoofi qilleensaatiin lolu mo’achaa loltoota hedduu booji’aa, barbadeessaa, kanneen jalaa booji’aman deebifachaa qabsoo hidhannoofi hojii gootummaa itti fufe.

Tefera Geresu Dhuki, 15-year-old son of Geresu Duki

Geggeessitoonni Xaaliyaaniifi baandaan sodaatanii si’a hedduu araaraaf jaarsa erganillee Garasuun gargaarsa uummataafi onnee waan qabuuf shiraafi kiyyoo isaaniitiin qabamuu hindandeenye. Roorrisaan, kan biyya abbaa qabu gabroomfate, baandaan biyya isaa saamsisuun Orma jala kaatu ramacii caalaa isaa gube. Keessummaa uummanni Itoopihyaa Xaaliyaanotaan Finfinneerratti mulluu ta’e ija duraa baduu dide. Guyyaa tokkollee osoo miilla isaarra rasaasaan rukutamee loltoonni harkaa dhumanii kanneen hafan ammoo diina duratti isa gatanii deemanitti, akkas jechuun yaadannoo isaa barreesse. “Ani Garasuudha; hojii koos xumureera; du’us giroo koo miti; kan na yaaddessu garuu Finfinneen bakki ummanni koo irratti dhume bilisa baatee osoo hinargin du’uu kooti,” jedhuun ture.

Haa ta’u malee yeroo marfame sanatti du’a oolee diinoota harkaa ba’uun madaan isaa fayyee loltoota abdii kutuun faca’an walitti qabuun amma dhumaatti lole. Dhumni hojii gootummaa Garasuus lola Jimmarratti Xaaliyaanii waliin geggeeffamedha. Garasuun loltoota diinaa kan jimmaarra buufatan marsuun yaadesse. Loltoota Garasuun hoogganuun marfamuu cinaatti oduun gara biyyaatti deebi’uu mootii Haayile-Sillaaseefi gargaarsi Ingilizootaa waan dhaga’ameef, dhangala’uu dhiigaa malee loltoonni Xaaliyaanii warri naannichaa akka harka kennan taasisee, kutaa biyyaa hunda kanneen qabatanis lakkisanii kaan dhumanii kaanis baqatanii ba’uun Itoophiyaan injifannoo argatte. Kumaalaa Garasuunis, Haayile-Sillaaseefi uummata Itoophiyaa biratti gootummaafi tooftaa lolaa isaaniitiin hundaa olitti dinqisiifatame. Kanarraan kan ka’e, waamicha mootiirraa taasiifameen loltuu isaa Shawaa Lixaa kan qabsoo finiinsaa tureefi, Jimmaan kan bilisa baase mara dhiisee Finfinnee deeme. “Marti namaa ajajaa waraanaa biyyatti ta’a,” jedhee erga innis akkanatti of beeka ture; hojjiin isaas kanaa gadi miti. Mootiin garuu “Biyya Oromoo fudhachuun olaantummaa na dhabsiisa,” jechuun waan shakkeef, bulchaa konyaa Caboofi Guraagee taasisuun mudde.

Barri jireenya Garasuu gabaabbachaa deemte. Jabinaafi gootummaan kan harkaa ba’uu hindandeenyetu itti aggaame. Osuma itti gaafatamummaa isaa ba’aa jiruu soorama ba’uufi dhukubsachuun Garasuu firoottan isaafi uummata isaa yaaddesse. Dhukkuba isaa kana ogeeyyiin biyya keessaa waan dadhabaniif, qabeenyaan isaa hundi gurguramee mucaan isaan Kumaalaa Tafarraa Garasuu biyya Ingiliziitti geessee akka yaalchisu ta’e. Achittiis fayyuu akka hindandeenye waan hubataniif gara biyyatti deebi’uun du’aan wal’aansoo qabuu eegale. Dhukkubni kaanseerii inni ittiin qabame daran itti cimee Waxabajjii 6, 1966 lubbuun isaa dabarte. Seenaan goota Oromoo Kumaalaa Garasuu Dhukii Gulummaa, Maaruutti jalqabee achumatti xumurame.

Source:http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2016/02/dej-geresu-duki-the-unsung-oromo-hero-who-helped-defeat-fascist-colonialism-in-ethiopia/

GPLM Press Release

The Second Genocide is Being Committed against Unarmed Anuak Tribe in Gambella, Southwest Ethiopia, by South Sudanese Refugees with Ethiopian Government’s Approval
It is with deep sadness that we learned that the Ethiopian government has once again embarked on carrying out a massive massacre of unarmed Anuak civilians in Gambella town of southwest Ethiopia, using similar killing style of 2003. Unlike the December 2003 – which involved Ethiopian highlanders’ civilians, this time, the Ethiopian government used South Sudanese ethnic Nuers to carry out the genocide.
The Nuers who are spearheading the killing of Anuaks are going front, while the Ethiopian military accompany them in the back. Any Anuak seen carrying traditional weapon, such as a spear, is shot dead by the Ethiopian military forces. In addition, the government ordered all Anuaks in police and special force to be disarmed by the Ethiopian military. Leaving all Anuaks vulnerable to be killed. In this rampage killing, the Nuer refugees are armed with modern weapons, such as AK-47, garnets and bombs, and are allowed to kill Anuaks and loots their properties before burning their houses to ground.
For the last three months, the Governor of Gambella region Mr. Gatluak Tut – who by nationality is a South Sudanese Nuer, with the knowledge of Ethiopian government, brought many guns to Gambella town from the Sudanese Nuer rebel base of Dr. Riek Machar Teny. These guns are distributed to all Nuers living in Gambella town in preparation to commit such mass genocide-plan. What availed itself on Wednesday January 27, 2016 around 2am and continued up to-date is the execution of such an atrociousness plan. Clearly, the plan was coordinated, and it was a combination of a strategic long-term plan by the EPRDF/Ethiopian government, South Sudanese Nuers, and their rebel leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny to kill all Anuaks living in Gambella town.
Obviously, it was a continuation of the policy of genocide against the Anuaks which began its first implementation in December 2003. The Ethiopian government can not rest or stop its policy of genocide until all Anuaks are killed and the land is taken by the very government committing the genocide.
The Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM) strongly condemned this atrocity committed against our people by foreign forces with the support of the Ethiopian government and security organs. We believe such use of foreigners to kill Ethiopian nationals by the very government supposedly to protect them not only a violation of the country sovereignty and the constitution, but also is a violation of international law in the states obligation to protect it own citizens.
Thus, we calls on:
• International community to pressure the Ethiopian government to stop indirect and direct killing of Anuak civilians;
• To establish independent inquiries to investigate the massacre currently taking place in Gambella;
• The United States government and the Europeans community to pressure the Ethiopian government to desist from committing current genocide on our people;
• The United Nations and members nations, the African Union, in the East African countries to instruct the South Sudanese Nuer rebel leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny to immediately stop supplying his Nuer tribe with deadly weapons to be used against unarmed Anuak civilians and creating instability in Gambella.
• Unconditional remove and transfer South Sudanese Nuers out of Gambella immediately;
• Finally, calls on government of EPRDF to stop its divide-and-rule politics in Gambella.
GAMBELLA PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT (GPLM) EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
Contact Number: 1(204)-218-5988 Or 1(507)-383-0534

Source:  https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10153903138394483&id=635689482

How Ethiopia exploits AU role to suppress international criticism

SIMON ALLISON  AFRICA 28 JAN 2016 11:00 (SOUTH AFRICA)
   
Photo: Delegates listen to remarks by U.S. President Barack Obama at the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia July 28, 2015. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst
Media and civil society at the African Union’s headquarters in Addis Ababa face a stark choice: avoid criticising Ethiopia, or risk being denied access to the continental body. SIMON ALLISON reports on how the Ethiopian government uses its role as gatekeeper to the AU to keep journalists, researchers and activists in check.

ADDIS ABABA – The African Union headquarters, 24-storeys of clean lines and soaring glass, is Addis Ababa’s tallest building. It looks all wrong in the context of its dusty, low-rise surroundings (although increasingly less so, as the city develops furiously around it). It’s almost like it was accidentally transplanted from Shanghai or Beijing, which, in a way, it was – China paid for and built it. But there’s no question that it belongs. The building is Africa’s diplomatic centre, and Addis is the continent’s diplomatic capital. There’s nowhere else it could be.

The city’s starring role in continental politics began in 1963, when Ethiopia brokered a truce between two rival African blocs with different ideas of what a continental body should look like. The breakthrough conference in 1963, where the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was declared, took place in Addis Ababa, and it was only natural that the new institution should establish its headquarters there too.

Not that there wasn’t a fight. Togo spent $120 million – that was half its annual budget at the time – on a lavish new hotel and conference centre in Lomé, complete with 52 presidential villas, in an effort to persuade the OAU to move its headquarters. The bid failed, and the complex turned into a ludicrously expensive white elephant, abandoned and left derelict for decades.

Togo’s attempt to steal Addis Ababa’s thunder was only crazy because it failed. Had it worked, the investment would have looked like a small price to pay. As Ethiopia well knows, the benefits – both financial and political – far outweigh any costs associated with hosting the AU.

Let’s start with the obvious. The AU rakes in hard currency for Ethiopia. There’s the $2,000-plus a month rentals for staff villas; the restaurants, hotels and conference venues built to cope with the regular influx of summit delegates; the thousands and thousands of flight bookings – often first or business class – which have helped Ethiopian Airlines become the largest airline in Africa. The AU is a cash cow, and Ethiopia has been milking it for more than 50 years.

It’s not just about the AU itself. Almost every African country has an embassy in Addis, because they’ve all got ambassadors to the AU (Why else would the likes of beleaguered Mali, for example, maintain a mission here?). This applies to non-African countries too: Addis Ababa’s status as a diplomatic hub means it attracts more foreign representation than other African capitals of a similar size, including another vast international organisation: the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. These missions all rent offices and houses, employ local staff, and shop in local stores, as do the research organisations and NGOs who trail in their wake.

While there’s no doubt that the AU is good for the local economy, it’s also true that hosting the AU inflates Ethiopia’s influence over AU decisions. Unlike many African countries, Ethiopia is able to attend every meeting, and, as host, it is given the floor whenever it wishes. It is able to send high-level representation with ease, which can play a major factor in smaller meetings outside of summits. So far, so normal for any major diplomatic city, be it Brussels, Geneva or New York. But Ethiopia takes things even further, using its role as gatekeeper to the AU to protect itself from international scrutiny and criticism, and to monitor those who deal with the continental body.

Non-governmental organisations are particularly affected. In order to open an AU liaison office in Addis, foreign NGOs must first be registered by the Ethiopian government. This registration can be withdrawn at any time, and with it, access to the AU. Several senior staff at international NGOs and civil society organisations told the Daily Maverick that this arrangement is premised on a tacit understanding: as long as you don’t criticise Ethiopia, your registration remains intact, and you are free to interact with the AU. On occasion, this includes hiring a local employee with known links to national intelligence.

“We are very, very careful with what we say about Ethiopia. They are very sensitive, and the AU comes first for us,” said one senior NGO official, speaking on condition of anonymity - for obvious reasons.

A similar arrangement applies to journalists, who cannot receive AU accreditation without first obtaining an Ethiopian press card; the arrangement is slightly different during AU summits, although visiting journalists must still register with the government communications office. Effectively, this means that Ethiopia, a country that is notorious for its tight grip on independent media, controls who can and cannot report on the AU. Again, this forces journalists to make a trade off: either report on the AU, and stay quiet on sensitive issues in Ethiopia, such as human rights violations; or report accurately on Ethiopia and risk deportation and losing access, perhaps permanently, to the AU.

Several prominent NGOs and research organisations, such as Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group, have declined to open an office in Addis for fear of working in such sensitive conditions, and base their offices that deal with the AU, elsewhere. Likewise, most foreign correspondents choose to work from Johannesburg or Nairobi rather than Addis, even though Addis – with all its diplomatic activity and excellent air links – is a natural base. This not only protects the Ethiopian government from criticism, but weakens scrutiny of the AU itself.

The extent to which Ethiopia’s state security agency is involved in monitoring and screening people who work or visit the AU becomes obvious at the January summits held in Addis Ababa. Their involvement is so blatant, in fact, that the National Intelligence and Security Service actually produces the badges given to all attendees:

The message is unmistakeable: we are watching you.

An Ethiopian government spokesman did not respond to a request to comment for this story.

The restrictions imposed on media and NGOs have the very real consequence of minimising negative news and information coming out of Ethiopia. This is one element of a censorship regime that is working. Recently, this was apparent in the coverage – or lack thereof – of the huge Oromo protests, where affected communities demonstrated against government plans to expand Addis Ababa. An estimated 140 people were killed, but the situation barely made international news, unlike, for example, the global headlines generated by the Marikana massacre in South Africa, even though the Marikana protest was smaller and far fewer people died.

In some ways, the suppression of information about Ethiopia is a missed opportunity. The country is growing at a tremendous rate, and has made huge strides in the provision of healthcare and education. It desperately needs to improve its international image, which (unfairly) remains rooted in the famine reporting of the 1980s. There are good news stories that aren’t being told, as well as bad.

Still, for an unabashedly authoritarian government, the ability to control information flow is the most significant advantage to hosting the headquarters of the AU. Just like that shiny AU building distracts the eye from the relative poverty of the suburb around it, so hosting the AU in Addis Ababa helps to disguise and obscure the darker elements of the Ethiopian growth story. DM

Source: http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2016-01-28-how-ethiopia-exploits-au-role-to-suppress-international-criticism/#.Vqv3yMso_qA

ለድርቅ አደጋ የተሰጠው ምላሽ ከሚጠበቀው በታችና ነው ተባለ

ኢሳት (ጥር 20 2008)
አለም አቀፍ ማህበረሰብ ለኢትዮጵያ የድርቅ አደጋ የሰጠው ምላሽ ከሚጠበቀው በታችና አስከፊ መሆኑ አንድ አለም አቀፍ የእርዳታ ተቋም አርብ አስታወቀ።
በቀጣዩ ወር ለአስቸኳይ የምግብ እርዳታ ለተጋለጡ ሰዎች 500 ሚሊዮን ዶላር ማሰባሰብ ካልተቻለም በርካታ ሰዎች ለከፋ ችግር እንደሚጋለጡ የህጻናት አድን ድርጅቱ ገልጿል።
በኢትዮጵያ ተከስቶ ያለው የድርቅ አደጋ በሃገሪቱ ታሪክም ሆነ በሌሎች ሃገራት ካሉት ጋር ሲነጻጸር አስከፊ ቢሆንም ዓለም አቀፍ ማህበረሰብ በቂ ትኩረትን አልሰጠም ሲሉ በኢትዮጵያ የብሪታኒያ የህጻናትን አድን ድርጅት ተወካይ ሚስተር ጆን ግራም ማስታወቃቸውን ኢዩሮ ኒውስ ዘግቧል።
በአንዳንድ አካባቢዎች ድርቁ እያደረሰ ያለው ጉዳት በ1977 ተከስቶ ከነበረው የረሃብ አደጋ ጋር ተመሳሳይ እየሆነ መምጣቱን ሃላፊው ተናግረዋል።
የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅትና ሌሎች ግብረ ሰናይ ተቋማት ለአስቸኳይ ጊዜ የምግብ እርዳታ የተጋለጡ ከ 10 ሚሊዮን በላይ ሰዎች እርዳታ እየቀረበላቸው እንዳልሆነ ስጋታቸውን ሲገልጹ መቆየታቸው ይታወሳል።
ይኸው በስድስት ክልሎች ጉዳትን ኣያደረሰ ያለው ድርቅ በቀጣዮቹ ሁለት ወራቶች ውስጥ በሰው ህይወት ላይ ጉዳትን ሊያስከትል ይችላል ተብሎም ተሰግቷል።
በተለይ በድርቁ ምክንያት የዘር እህላቸው ያለቀባቸው አርሶ አደሮች ለቀጣዩ የእርሻ ወቅት የሚዘሩት እህል የሌላቸው በመሆኑ ችግሩ አስከፊ እየሆነ እንደሚቀጥል የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት አመልክቷል።
በሃገሪቱ ያለው የእርዳታ መጠንም ተረጂዎችን ለቀጣዩ ወራቶች ለማቆየት የማይበቃ መሆኑንና ጉዳዩ አሳሳቢ ደረጃ ላይ መድረሱን ድርጅቱ ገልጿል።
በቅርቡ የመንግስት ቃል አቀባይ የሆኑት አቶ ጌታቸው ረዳ ሃገሪቱ ለሶስት ወር የሚበቃ የእህል ክምችት አላት ሲሉ ከሃገር ውስጥ ጋዜጠኞች መሃገራቸው ይታወሳል።
ቃል አቀባዩ ይህንን ቢሉም የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት ለአስቸኳይ ጊዜ የምግብ እርዳታ የተጋለጡ ሰዎችን ለሁለት ወር ያህል እንኳን ለማቆይየት አስቸጋሪ መሆኑን በድጋሚ ይፋ አድርጓል።

Source : Esat

Oromo teachers, students and farmers imprisoned without any legal warrant teachers‪#‎OromoProtests‬

The following are Oromo teachers, students and farmers who are imprisoned by TPLF forces without any legal warrant. They have been arrested and jailed in Abuna, Gindebert, West Showa in December 2015 and the beginning of January 2016. They are not represented by any legal experts.
1. Moosisaa Lataa (teacher)
2. Baayisaa Dhaabaa (teacher)
3. Dhabbaa Kinfee (student)
4. Masarat Dachaa
5. Amaanuu Dachasaa
6. Shaaru Gutama
7. Lammeesaa Ergabus
8. Girmachoo Dilii
9. Obbo Lataa Hordofaa ( old man and farmer)

=========================
‪#‎BilisummaaOromoo‬-(29.01.2016, Hidhaa, Oromia) Diddaa fi Mormiin Oromoo dhaabuuf mootummaan Wayyaanee Oromoota hidhuu itti fufte.Namoonni armaan gadii kun kanneen poolisii federaalaan qabamii mana hidhaa aanaa Abuunaa Gindabarat keessatti baatii tokko oliif dararamaa jiraniidha. Erga hidhamanii kaasee, nama seeraa (abukaatoo seeraa) isaaniif dubbatu tokko illle hin qaban.
1. Barsiisaa Moosisaa Lataa
2. Barsiisaa Baayisaa Dhaabaa
3. Barataa Dhabbaa Kinfee
4. Masarat Dachaa
5. Amaanuu Dachasaa
6. Shaaru Gutama
7. Lammeesaa Ergabus
8. Girmachoo Dilii
9. Obbo Lataa Hordofaa nama umuriin isaan guddaa dha.

Hidhaan falmaa hin dhaabu!!

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Source: http://www.ayyaantuu.net/oromo-teachers-students-and-farmers-imprisoned-without-any-legal-warranty/

In Ethiopia, a Mix of Regulations and Repression Silence Independent Voices

by Simegnish "Lily" Mengesha. 

After a tense year marked by widely-criticized elections in which Ethiopia’s ruling party won 100 percent of parliamentary seats, 2015 concluded with yet more repression in the East African nation. During the last weeks of December, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported the arrests of two journalists, while five Zone 9 bloggers who had been acquitted of terrorism charges in October were summoned back to court as state prosecutors appealed their earlier acquittal.

These detentions occurred amid widespread protests in Oromia state, Ethiopia’s largest region. Human Rights Watch reported that since the protests began in mid-November 2015, police and security forces had killed 140 protesters and wounded many others, while hundreds of demonstrators and activists have been jailed; Ethiopian government officials have only publicly acknowledged five deaths.

The trigger for this recent crisis was the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa. Commonly known as “The Addis Ababa Master Plan,” its implementation would have expanded the capital city into parts of the neighboring Oromia region, potentially displacing a large number of local farmers, threatening their constitutionally-protected right to livelihood, and eroding local authority. One Ethiopia analyst, Tsegaye R. Ararssa, noted that the Master Plan violated Articles 39 and 105(2) of Ethiopia’s Constitution, which authorize alterations to state boundaries only by a referendum of self-determination or a constitutional amendment. Although the government recently decided to scrap the Master Plan, the decision was made primarily to silence the protests and falls short of addressing the protestors’ underlying concerns about the lack of good governance, access to information, and freedom of expression in Ethiopia.

The Ethiopian government prides itself on having one of the world’s fastest growing economies (the International Monetary Fund ranks the country among the top five globally). But the authorities often promote growth at the expense of citizens’ basic human rights, and many citizens feel that they have not benefitted from the country’s economic growth. The United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Index ranks Ethiopia 174 out of 187 countries, and despite the government’s growth plans, 29 percent of Ethiopia’s population lives below its national poverty line.

The recent Oromia protests are a clear indication of what happens when the population feels that development is being imposed. If the government genuinely believes in inclusive economic growth, its plans would benefit from better communication with the people. Instead, the authorities have closed most venues for two-way communication and use state media to control media narratives and disseminate propaganda about their development plans.

In my January 2016 Journal of Democracy article, I describe how Ethiopia’s authorities have used legal and economic methods to suppress civil society and independent media. Ethiopia’s criminal code and press law, which have long been highly restrictive, have tightened significantly in the years since Ethiopia’s 2005 general elections, when mass protests erupted over vote-rigging allegations. Media repression became even more organized and systematic in 2009 after Ethiopia adopted the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP). Ostensibly intended to counter security threats, since its adoption the ATP has only ever been used to bring charges against political activists and members of independent media.

The Civil Society Proclamation (CSP), adopted in 2009 around the same time as the ATP, has also curtailed the efforts of most human rights organizations. Restrictions on foreign funding and regulations which limit how much a civil society organization (CSO) can dedicate toward its administrative and operations costs make it extremely difficult for CSOs to survive. According to one study, the number of federally-registered local and international CSOs in Ethiopia dropped by 45 percent (from 3,800 to 2,059) between 2009 and 2011. Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Agency (CSA) claimed in 2014 that 3,174 CSOs were registered in Ethiopia, but a 2014 study by the joint European Union’s Civil Society Fund (EU-CSF II) found that of the total number of CSOs registered by Ethiopia’s Civil Society Agency, only 870 were actually operational. USAID’s 2014 CSO Sustainability Index for Sub-Saharan Africa noted that the impact of CSOs in Ethiopia is limited by national policies, funding restrictions, and a lack of government interest.

As a result of policies like these, platforms which normally serve to facilitate communication and feedback between government and citizens, such as media and civil society organizations, have been silenced by heavy government censorship and the criminalization of dissent. The lack of accountable communication channels makes the population feel alienated from the government, and the only remaining avenue for the public to express its concerns—peaceful demonstration—typically results in a harsh crackdown, as the last few months have shown.  In December, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn appeared on state television to defend the government’s use of physical repression against Oromia protestors, saying the government will take “merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.”

These remarks betray the authorities’ insecurity. The increased intensity of repression against independent media, associations, and civil society organizations reflect a government that feels threatened by independent voices. Like most authoritarian regimes, Ethiopia’s government worries that the more informed and connected the people are, the more empowered they will be to hold the government to account. In other words, Ethiopia’s attempt to gag the media and choke civil society is not a sign of the government’s strength, but rather of its weakness.

Simegnish "Lily" Mengesha is a visiting fellow and former Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy’s International Forum for Democratic Studies. A seasoned journalist, media consultant, and translator, she previously served as director of the Ethiopian Environment Journalists Association.

The views expressed in this post represent the opinions and analysis of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff.

- See more at: http://www.resurgentdictatorship.org/in-ethiopia-a-mix-of-regulations-and-repression-silence-independent-voices/#sthash.2O2sNGrC.b9TsBE6B.dpuf