Ethiopia: Making Sense Of 100 Percent Election Victory – OpEd

By Messay Kebede

According to the National Election Board of Ethiopia, the result of last week’s national election is that the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) has achieved a complete victory by grabbing all the parliamentary seats. The same board and the Ethiopian government qualified the result as a triumph of democracy, which leads one to assume that in today’s Ethiopia the progress of democracy is measured by the size of exclusion of opposition parties from parliamentary participation. In 1995, the process resulted in 75 seats to various opposition parties; then it evolved to one representative in 2010; until it has reached the present stage of advanced democracy with zero representative from the opposition. Bravo to the EPRDF! Be it noted that this novel interpretation of democracy seems to be endorsed by the American government through the authoritative voice of Wendy Sherman, the Under Secretary for Political Affairs (go to http://www.diretube.com/ethiopia/under-secretary-of-state-wendy-sherman-talking-about-ethiopia-video_851c48f3b.html) The only step remaining to achieve the apex of democracy is the banning of opposition parties, obvious as it is that they have become obsolete.

On a serious note, last week’s election appears very enigmatic to many observers. For one thing, in view of the creeping discontent in the country, which is even expressed outwardly here and there, in view also of the paranoia of the regime showing an unprecedented level of mobilization of its repressive forces to intimidate voters and stifle dissenting voices, a complete parliamentary victory strikes by its utter impossibility. There is only one possible conclusion: not only the election was not free and fair, but it was also subjected to fraudulent practices, such as stealing or eliminating votes supporting the opposition.

The question that comes to mind is the following: if neither the people and opposition parties give an iota of credibility to the official result, nor for that matter the officials and the cadres of the ruling party themselves––since they used all repressive and fraudulent means to eliminate the opposition––in a word, if nobody lends any credibility to the official outcome, why is the ruling party going through such a costly, time-consuming, and utterly useless exercise? What is the expected gain?

Can we say that the election serves the purpose of renewing legitimacy? But how can a government renew legitimacy by claiming an unbelievable victory? Who falls for a score of 100 percent? What about the international community? Perhaps, but again provided that you come up with something believable, and 100 percent is not believable. Accordingly, such a score defeats its purpose, if it is legitimacy.

This is what is most perplexing: a lesser score (say, for example, of 80 percent) would have gained some credibility without, however, endangering the hegemony of the ruling party. Indeed, why not leave some seats to the opposition? So long as the ruling party retains an overwhelming majority, the opposition does not present any risk. What is more, the presence of the opposition, however negligible, would give some sense to the voting process in the parliament.

There is more: in turning the election into a process of elimination of the opposition by all means necessary, the government and the ruling party are loudly telling the Ethiopian people that any hope of change through peaceful means is just an illusion. This is none other than forcing the people to seek other means, namely, violent forms of struggle, such as uprisings and armed struggle. It is hard to understand why a government would push its own people to violent methods.

If, instead of renewing legitimacy, a score of 100 percent only succeeds in cornering people to violent means, why on earth would a government adopt such a detrimental policy? We only saw negative sides. Where is the gain? The huge enigma here is that, unlike most dictatorial states, the regime in Ethiopia has recognized multiple opposition parties, even if it has restricted their activities to what it deems tolerable. While the general rule for dictatorial regimes is to ban opposition parties altogether, the Ethiopian regime recognizes them except that it does not want them in parliament. Since in both cases the result is the same, the behavior of the Ethiopian regime may become intelligible if we get hold of the reason why even dictatorial regimes that ban opposition parties organize elections.

Where no opposition parties exist, the purpose of election cannot be the achievement of victory. As there is no contest, the claim of victory would be simply surreal. By contrast, single-party regimes are concerned with the number of people who come out to vote, the issue being to get out the maximum number of voters by all means necessary. Clearly, the objective is not to gain the majority of votes; rather, it is to demonstrate force. Elections are meant to show the extent of the control of the government and the ruling party over the people. The less the people like the regime, the higher is its need to show the maximum electoral score, thereby displaying its invincibility. The message is then clear enough: even if you do not like the regime, there is nothing you can do about it. As such, it is a celebration of defiance, a parade, a showoff of political force.

It seems to me that the dominant party in the governmental coalition, the TPLF (Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front), has perfected the meaning of election under dictatorial rule: unlike one-party dictatorships, it recognizes opposition parties, allows them some freedom of maneuver, only to deprive them of even one seat in the parliament as a manifestation of its absolute hegemony. This is none other than an extreme form of political bullying, as in the case when a child donates his toy to another child and takes it back after some time as a way of showing his dominance by aggravating the frustration of the other child.

The ultimate goal of this political bullying is, of course, the inculcation of submission through the sense of hopelessness. While in democratic countries, elections establish the legitimacy of states through the exercise of popular sovereignty, in dictatorial regimes, like that of the TPLF, they are periodical rituals displaying the submission of the people. To the extent that these elections raise and then dash hopes for change, they renew the sense of hopelessness of the people, and so deepen their resignation.

* Messay Kebede is professor of philosophy at the University of Dayton, Ohio (USA). He previously taught philosophy at Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia). He is the author of five books: Meaning and Development (1994), Survival and Modernization—Ethiopia’s Enigmatic Present (1999), Africa’s Quest for a Philosophy of Decolonization (2004), Radicalism and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia, 1960-1974 (2008), and Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution (2011). He has also published numerous articles in professional and nonprofessional journals.

Source: http://www.eurasiareview.com/04062015-ethiopia-making-sense-of-100-percent-election-victory-oped/

Ethiopian election marred by harassment claims

Ethiopians are voting in national and regional elections – the country’s first since the 2012 death of its longtime leader – with the ruling party expected to maintain its grip on power.

More than 38 million voters are eligible to cast ballots on Sunday. Some opposition groups had threatened to boycott the vote, saying their members were being harassed and detained – charges the government denies.

The prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn – a former university professor – has been leading the country since the death of strongman Meles Zenawi, who built the ruling coalition into a powerful political organisation, while opposition groups complain of persecution.

Ethiopia's election is a wake-up call on human rights and sound governance | Daniel Calingaert and Kellen McClure
Ethiopia is a federal parliamentary republic, with the party or coalition that wins the most seats in the 547-seat parliament forming the government. All seats were at stake on Sunday, as well as local offices, but Desalegn is expected to remain in power.

In 2010, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front won 99.6% of parliamentary seats. Only one opposition lawmaker won a seat in an election that monitoring groups said was marred by intimidation and the harassment of opposition activists.

Human Rights Watch called that victory “the culmination of the government’s five-year strategy of systematically closing down space for political dissent and independent criticism”.

Those allegations have persisted for this year’s election. The government has denied the claims, accusing the opposition – and neighbouring Eritrea – of plotting to disrupt the vote.

“We remain vigilant and confident that the general election will be peaceful, free and fair, notwithstanding destabilisation attempts that may be tried by Eritrea or its local emissaries, which we will respond to with stern measures,” Desalegn said on Thursday.

More than 45,000 polling stations will be open, with nearly 250,000 election observers assigned to monitor them. The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia said provisional results are expected in a week but final results will not be released until 22 June.

Source: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/24/ethiopian-election-marred-by-harassment-claims

Ethiopia: Onslaught on human rights ahead of elections

The run-up to Ethiopia’s elections on Sunday has been marred by gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of ordinary Ethiopians’ human rights, says Amnesty International.

“The lead-up up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

The Ethiopian authorities have jailed large numbers of members of legally registered opposition political parties, journalists, bloggers and protesters. They have also used a combination of harassment and repressive legislation to repress independent media and civil society.

The lead-up up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent.
Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.
In the run-up to Sunday’s elections, opposition political party members report increased restrictions on their activities. The Semayawi (Blue) Party informed Amnesty International that more than half of their candidates had their registration cancelled by the National Electoral Board. Out of 400 candidates registered for the House of Peoples Representatives, only 139 will be able to stand in the elections.

On 19 May, Bekele Gerba and other members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)-Medrek were campaigning in Oromia Region when police and local security officers beat, arrested and detained them for a couple of hours.

On 12 May, security officers arrested two campaigners and three supporters of the Blue Party who were putting up campaign posters in the capital Addis Ababa. They were released on bail after four days in detention.

In March, three armed security officers in Tigray Region severely beat Koshi Hiluf Kahisay, a member of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (EFDUD) Arena-Medrek. Koshi Hiluf Kahisay had previously received several verbal warnings from security officials to leave the party or face the consequences.

In January, the police violently dispersed peaceful protesters in Addis Ababa during an event organized by the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ). Police beat demonstrators with batons, sticks and iron rods on the head, face, hands and legs, seriously injuring more than 20 of them.

At least 17 journalists, including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Wubishet Taye, have been arrested and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP), and sentenced to between three and 18 years in prison. Many journalists have fled to neighboring countries because they are afraid of intimidation, harassment and attracting politically motivated criminal charges.

Civil society’s ability to participate in election observation has been restricted under the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) to only Ethiopian mass based organizations aligned with the ruling political party.

Amnesty International calls on the Africa Union Election Observation Mission (AU EOM) currently in Ethiopia to assess and speak to the broader human rights context around the elections in both their public and private reporting. It also calls on the AU EOM to provide concrete recommendations to address the gross, systematic and widespread nature of violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly which have undermined the right to participate in public affairs freely and without fear.

“The African Union’s election observers have a responsibility to pay attention to human rights violations specific to the elections as well as more broadly,” said Wanyeki. “The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights protects the right of Ethiopians to freely participate in their government. This right has been seriously undermined by violations of other civil and political rights in the lead-up to the elections.”

Background

Amnesty International has been monitoring, documenting and reporting on the human rights situation in Ethiopia for more than four decades.

Since the country’s last elections in 2010, the organization has documented arbitrary and politically motivated arrests and detentions, torture and other ill-treatment, as well as gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association.

Source: https://www.amnesty.org/articles/news/2015/05/ethiopia-onslaught-on-human-rights-ahead-of-elections/

Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Releases Analysis on Violations of the Right to Vote in Ethiopi

Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights 

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Contact:

Dan Cronin
cronin@rfkhumanrights.org
(917) 284-6356

(May 21, 2015 | Washington, D.C.) Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights (RFK Human Rights) released today a briefing paper (see attachment) documenting a range of human rights violations that have taken place in the context of Ethiopia’s upcoming parliamentary election, scheduled for May 24, and calls upon African Union (AU) election observers to both implement and follow a human rights based approach to their monitoring efforts. The briefing paper outlines severe restrictions to civic space – including the systematic suppression of the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association – in the lead up to the election that amount to a violation of the right to vote and the right to participate in government for all Ethiopians.

“The criminalization of dissent in Ethiopia is readily apparent,” said Kerry Kennedy, President of RFK Human Rights. “Regardless of the ultimate results on polling day, the electoral period has been severely compromised by a persistent crackdown on human rights defenders, journalists, and opposition supporters who have dared to express views critical of the Ethiopian government.”

In the lead up to the election, the Ethiopian government routinely used the 2012 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (“Anti-terrorism law”) to prosecute human rights defenders, independent journalists and bloggers, and opposition supporters in violation of their right to freedom of expression, which effectively prevented the free flow of information to Ethiopian voters. Also in recent months, a series of crackdowns on the peaceful demonstrations of opposition supporters and civic activists have resulted in widespread violations of the right to freedom of assembly. Since its enactment in 2009, the Charities and Societies Proclamation (“CSO law”) has violated the right to freedom of association and decimated the ability of independent civil society in Ethiopia to carry out its legitimate work, including voter education activities, human rights reporting, and political advocacy, each of which are critical to ensure free debate.

“The rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association are fundamental to any democracy and critical to ensuring the meaningful fulfillment of the right to vote under international law,” said Santiago A. Canton, Executive Director of RFK Partners for Human Rights. “As the region and the world look to Ethiopia in the coming days and weeks, it is critical that the AU election observers document the undeniable link between the repression of civic space and Ethiopia’s international human rights obligation to respect the rights to vote and participate in government.”

The AU will be the only international body to monitor the May 24 election. The long-term observers arrived on April 19 and a larger delegation of observers landed in the capital Addis-Ababa on May 17. The AU election observers have a mandate to observe, collect, and analyze data in the lead up to the election, in line with AU and other international instruments such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In addition to technical requirements for elections, the AU observers must also take into account binding international law, which includes the right to vote and the right to participate in government.

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Attachments:

Briefing Paper - Right to Vote in Ethiopia - May 2015_FINAL.pdf

409 Kb

Source:http://rfkcenter.org

Ethiopia caught up with election fever as voting-day draws near

By BEREKET DIRIBA,  Gizeyat Correspondent   MAY 21, 2015

Bekele Gerba (L), a well-known official at Oromo Federalist Congress who recently got discharged from prison, campaigned together with Merera Gudina (PhD) in Guder, Western Oromia, on Sunday, May 17, 2015. (Finfinne Tribune)

             Tensions are mounting ahead of the fifth Ethiopian general elections, with voting-day in just two days.  The set of events over the last years are expected to make this poll different from its 2010 precursor.

As the first ballot without the name of the late PM Meles Zenawi, this year’s election could be trying a ruling front that is going through a lot these past years. Earlier in 2014, riots had reportedly shaken many parts of the country. The student movements in Western Oromia region, and the ongoing discontent of the Muslim community on the alleged government involvement in their internal affairs, may cost the ruling front some of its votes in parts of the nation.

May 14, 2015 — PM Hailemariam laid down a cornerstone in Ambo town for the construction of a 491km railway in the Oromia Regional State (ENA)

The public support witnessed for the Oromo Federalist Congress, a major part of the MEDREK coalition, moved the Ethiopian Prime Minister and chairman of the Revolutionary Democrats into seeking the support of the Western Oromia regions. On the week before Election Day, the PM was seen busy pledging more infrastructural development, as well as promising to improve  good governance in those regions. One of these major opposition strongholds, Ambo town, was visited by the Prime Minister for the first time in 25 years.

But Merera Gudina (PhD), a leader in the opposition MEDREK, said his party is to win the majority voice in Oromia if the ruling party plays fair in the elections. 

Dr. Merera is running for Parliament in his home town Guder, capital of Toke Kutaye district. Even though he secured the majority support among the youth, many of them have not received election cards.

“We know that our youths and teachers were intentionally denied election cards by the government, but we are mobilizing them to make waves and keep their parents aware of the latest developments,” Dr. Merera said. “We are working to create a generation that will defend its right.”

MEDREK, or the Social Democrats, also claim to have strong support in most of the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s regions.

“We have strong support in Gamo Gofa, Kembata, Hadiya and Sidama zones of the Southern Nations region”, said Tilahun Endeshaw, Vice-Chairman and Public Relations Head of MEDREK.

The Social Democrats have 270 Parliament candidates running for this election. Their coalition will be running in Tigray, Southern Nations region, Oromia and in the capital Addis Ababa. They are represented by Arena Tigray, an opposition group in the Tigray region where the ruling TPLF is dominant. But with the seasoned members of Andinet party discharged from the election by the Electoral Board, their coalition apparently lost strong representatives in the Amhara region.

“Still we will win the majority vote in the remaining constituencies where we have major support of the people, both in urban and rural areas,” said Endeshaw.

The MEDREK leader bitterly blames the government for repressions in many areas. He said his party members in southern parts of the country were persecuted, including in Kambata Zone, where there were members whose lands were confiscated in the run up to the election. He told Gizeyat, “As we approach the Election Day these pressures seem to ease for the time, but our campaigns are still under attack by ruling-party cadres.”

“Like all other government institutions the electoral board is in favor of the government. It’s not free and I doubt how such institution could be entrusted to hold free and fair elections,” — Sileshi Feyisa

Many leaders from opposition parties are accusing the government of sabotaging their campaigns and activities.

Sileshi Feyisa, Vice-chairman of the Moderate Liberals, Semayawi Party, said his party has been facing persecutions from the ruling front’s adminstration throughout the election process. He said with few days to go to the polls, the government still tries to terrorize his party members and is engaged in defamation.

Sileshi Feyisa

On May 16, the Ethiopian Federal Police Commissioner, General Assefa Abiyu, vowed to repel any demonstrations in post-election days. The Ethiopian special police forces were also seen on the national television preparing for events that might unfold in the coming days. During his televised statement, the Commissioner General publicly accused some political parties — referring them as anti-peace forces — for their involvement in destructing infrastructure, like electric poles and telecom fibers.

“The Commissioner’s statement is provocative and implied that the security forces are not impartial. It’s an indication of a pending crack down on us,” said Feyisa.

The Moderate Liberals leader highly doubts the impartiality of the electoral board. “Like all other government institutions the electoral board is in favor of the government. It’s not free and I doubt how such institution could be entrusted to hold free and fair elections,” said Feyisa.

Semayawi party is one of the favorite opposition parties expected by many to become a fierce contender to the ruling front in this year’s general elections.

Over 120 Parliament candidates will represent the Moderate Liberals in this election.

The reformist opposition Raie Party leader as well put the blame on the government for the imprisonment of some of his candidates, and the frequent attacks on his party’s election banners and posters. Yet, he is hopeful that after two elections this one will be his chance to join the Parliament.

Demissew Benti

The Ethiopian Electoral Board however, denies these allegations.

“The candidates registration and campaigns are all going well, except for few groups that contradict the ethical codes of political parties,” said Demissew Benti, Public Relations Director at the Electoral Board.

Benti especially accused Semayawi Party for engaging in destructive activities.

Fifty-eight political parties will be running to get the electorates’ vote for the House of People’s Representatives, Regional Councils and two City Administrations seats. In addition, nine individual candidates will run on the May 24th elections, six of them for seats in the House of People’s Representatives. Despite speculations that the famous Olympics and world champion athlete Haile Gebreselassie could run for the Parliament seat — following his announcement to join politics two years ago and recent retirement from athletics — Benti said the Electoral Board has no such candidate.

The former Ethiopian Football Federation president and current Member of  Parliament, Ashebir Wolde Giorgis (PhD), is one of the major figures among the independent candidates. He is expected to run for this year’s elections in Gamo Gofa zone of the Southern Nations region.

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, civil societies and 59 African Union observers will monitor this year’s national elections. Western observers however, chose to opt out.

Source: gizeyat.com

As Ethiopia votes, what’s ‘free and fair’ got to do with it?

Ethiopian journalist Simegnish “Lily” Mengesha (R) sits with President Obama during a round table with persecuted journalist for World Press Freedom Day at the White House in Washington, DC, May 1, 2015. JIM WATSON/AFP/Getty Images

Ethiopia, Washington’s security partner and Africa’s second most populous country, is scheduled to hold national elections on May 24. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its allied parties won 99.6 percent of the seats in the last round of elections in 2010. There is no doubt that the ruling party will win again.

The party has ruled since 1991 when it seized power following a prolonged civil war. It dominates all major political, economic, and social institutions, has virtually eliminated independent political space, and opposition parties are fractured and harassed. Ethiopia has jailed more journalists than any other country in Africa.

The EPRDF is an extremely strong and effective authoritarian party. Yet Wendy Sherman, the Under Secretary of Political Affairs in the Department of State, recently said, “Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair and credible.” What roles do elections play in authoritarian states and what, if anything, do they have to do with “free, fair, and credible” standards?

Part of the answer is to recognize that elections and political parties in autocratic states play different roles than they do in democratic states. Electoral processes are used by authoritarian regimes to consolidate power and to demonstrate the ruling party’s dominance, as argued by scholars of comparative politics such as Schedler and Gandhi and Lust-Okar. Research by Geddes shows that single-party authoritarian regimes tend to be more stable and last longer than military or personalistic ones. Strong partiesmanage instability by encouraging intra-elite compromise, co-opting opposition, and institutionalizing incentives to reward loyalty. Elections and strong political parties thereby contribute to “authoritarian resilience,” as scholars note with reference to China, Iran and Syria, and Zimbabwe.

Non-competitive elections are common in authoritarian states and incumbents often win by incredible margins. In Sudan, President Omar al-Bashir won 94 percent of the vote in April 2015 elections, Uzbek President Islam Karimov over 90 percent in March 2015, and Kazak President Nursultan Nazarbayev 97 percent in April 2015. Rwandan President PaulKagame, when asked if his 93 percent landslide in 2010 represented the will of the people, reportedly answered: “So, 93 percent – I wonder why it wasn’t higher than that?” The EPRDF’s 99.6 percent victory in 2010 createdcredibility problems in North American and European capitals where diplomats often asked, “Couldn’t they have just won by 60 or 75 percent?” But the point of elections under authoritarian rule is not to obtain a working majority or to win international approval. The purpose is to dominate domestic politics completely and thereby deter any leader from thinking he or she could challenge ruling party successfully. The dramatic, overwhelming victories send an important domestic message of strength and power, even as they strain credibility abroad.

The EPRDF recognizes the dangers it faces from competitive elections and that it democratizes at its peril. In 2005 Ethiopia held competitive elections, complete with significant opposition participation, major rallies, and televised debates. According to official results, the opposition’s share of seats in parliament increased from 12 to 172, representing 31 percent of the total. The opposition parties swept all the seats in Addis Ababa and many cabinet ministers and high-ranking officials lost their positions. This shift represented the potential for an important advance in democratization and a major break in the ruling party’s domination.

Members of the opposition, however, refused to accept the results and claimed that massive fraud had denied them outright victory. Some opposition leaders boycotted the parliament. Post-election demonstrations turned violent and were brutally put down by the Ethiopian military, leaving nearly 200 dead and an estimated 30,000 arrested. The 2005 election began with a democratic opening but ended with what the Department of State characterized as the criminalization of dissent.

In the aftermath of the 2005 crisis, the EPRDF responded by demonstrating its extraordinary strength in using the levers of state power and its considerable organizational capacities to control all aspects of political life. New laws largely eliminated civil society institutions and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation has been used against journalists and other critics. Just before a visit by Secretary of State Kerry in April 2014, the regime arrested a group of young bloggers who called themselves Zone Nine and charged them with terrorism. Washington recently urged Addis Ababa “to refrain from using its Anti-Terrorism Proclamation as a mechanism to curb the free exchange of ideas.”

As a consequence of its restrictions on politics over the past decade, the ruling party has little to worry about with regard to the opposition parties competing in the upcoming elections. The limits on formal political competition have made social mobilization outside of the electoral process more important. A series of non-violent protests in 2012 by Ethiopian Muslims provided an important model of sustained, peaceful social mobilization. The regime arrested the movement’s leadership and has tried to link the protests to external enemies and terrorism. In 2014, the security services quickly suppressed demonstrations on university campuses by Oromos, highlighting the historical sense of marginalization perceived by many in Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group. In April 2015, a government organized rally to mourn the killing of Ethiopian migrants in Libya by the Islamic State (ISIS) ended with arrests and clashes between security forces and protestors. The Ethiopian regime has managed each of these challenges without significant difficulty but the underlying grievances remain.

Police shoot tear gas at anti-Islamic State protesters in Ethiopia(1:13)

Editor’s Note:  This video contains graphic content. Clashes broke out in Addis Ababa at a government-organized demonstration against the killing of Ethiopian Christians by Islamic State militants in Libya. (Reuters)

Under Secretary of State Sherman characterized Ethiopia’s elections in terms of “free, fair, and credible” but that obscures the nature of the regime and mischaracterizes the functions of elections under authoritarianism. AWashington Post editorial recently criticized Sherman and argued: “If the election is not judged by independent observers to live up to Ms. Sherman’s billing, the administration should swallow her words — and change its approach.” But the results in Ethiopia and other authoritarian regimes holding elections are largely settled months if not years in advance, as powerful ruling parties restrict political opposition, civil society, and independent media in ways that virtually eliminate competition. The voting that will take place on May 24 will not provide citizens a meaningful role in selecting their next government. Such elections, however, are not pointless. As in other authoritarian states, elections play a key role in providing the setting for the ruling party to demonstrate its domination.

Terrence Lyons is an Associate Professor at the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University. He began his research on Ethiopia in 1987, served as Senior Advisor to the Carter Center’s election monitoring mission to Ethiopia in 2005, and currently is writing a book on Ethiopian politics since 1991.

Source: http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/05/18/as-ethiopia-votes-whats-free-and-fair-got-to-do-with-it/

Ethiopia: Opposition claims harassment ahead of elections

ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — Ethiopian opposition groups are accusing the government of harassing their members and carrying out illegal detentions ahead of the May 24 elections.

Yonathan Tesfaye, spokesman for the Blue Party, told The Associated Press Wednesday that some party members are being beaten, especially in the southern region. He said his party may boycott the elections.

Chane Kebede, leader of the Ethiopian Democratic Party, also complained of a climate of fear.

Desta Tesfaw, a spokesman for the ruling party, dismissed the allegations and accused opposition parties groups of trying to discredit the elections.

In 2010, Ethiopia's ruling coalition won 99.6 percent of all parliamentary seats — a victory that Human Rights Watch said was "the culmination of the government's five-year strategy of systematically closing down space for political dissent and independent criticism."

Source: http://www.bradenton.com/2015/05/13/5796496/ethiopia-opposition-claims-harassment.html

Read more here: http://www.bradenton.com/2015/05/13/5796496/ethiopia-opposition-claims-harassment.html#storylink=cpy

Elections, Ethiopian style

Since the last election, the ruling party has exerted more control and increased its repression of basic liberties.

This is what an election campaign looks like in Ethiopia, where the ruling coalition took 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats in the last national elections, in 2010.

Jirata, who asked that his real name not be used, is a 19-year-old student who was campaigning for a legally registered opposition party recently, when security officials arrested him.

They told him that he was working for a "terrorist group" that sought to forcibly bring down the government. He was badly beaten over the course of three nights and released on the condition that he end his involvement in politics. He is still limping from his injuries, and he told me he no longer has any interest in getting involved in politics. He says he will vote for the government party "because life is easier that way".

Jirata was working for an Oromo party, representing an ethnic group long targeted by the government. But as Ethiopians go to the polls in late May, the prospects for opposition parties to fully and fairly campaign are grim.

Since the last election, the ruling party has only exerted more control and increased its widespread repression of basic liberties, including the rights to free expression, assembly, and association.

The courts provide no justice in cases of political importance. While election day is unpredictable, it's clear that the avenues by which opposition parties can fully function and citizens can engage on political issues are largely closed.

While there are 75 registered opposition groups, several of the largest parties have talked of boycotting the elections because of flawed electoral processes. Challenges with registering candidates, acquiring the funds they are legally entitled to, mobilising their supporters, and keeping their members out of prison have taken their toll.

Suppression of non-governmental voices

The Ethiopian media provides little coverage of relevant political issues ahead of the election since what vestiges of independent media existed have largely been eliminated since 2010.

Reporters critical of the government are regularly harassed, threatened and detained. In 2014 alone, over 30 journalists fled Ethiopia and at least six publications were closed down.

Sources providing information to media and human rights groups are regularly targeted. Many diaspora media websites, while heavily politicised, remain blocked in Ethiopia. Journalists must choose between self-censorship, harassment, imprisonment, and exile.

The situation hasn't been much better for opposition parties that want to organise peaceful protests and rallies ahead of the election. The Semayawi party (Blue Party), for example, is one of the newcomers in Ethiopia's electoral landscape, and since 2013 has tried to hold regular and peaceful issue-based protests.

Protesters and organisers have frequently been arrested and harassed, their equipment has been confiscated, and permits unfairly denied. One of their leaders is on trial on trumped-up terrorism charges.

The lone opposition parliament member is not running this time due to a split in his party, the Union of Democracy and Justice, in which Ethiopia's national electoral board played favourites. The net effect is that the government awarded the party name to an offshoot of the party that is more closely aligned to government policies and interests.

No dissent allowed

There are few ways for Ethiopians to peacefully express dissent or to contribute to the national political dialogue. Dissent of any type, particularly in rural areas, is dealt with harshly. The long-standing 5:1 system of grassroots surveillance - under which one individual is responsible for monitoring the activities of five households - has let local officials clamp down on dissent before it spreads beyond the household level.Telephone surveillance is commonplace, and the ongoing trial of a group of bloggers called Zone 9 has resulted in increased self-censorship online.

In short, there is limited space for government critics to play a peaceful and constructive role. The only international observers to the election will be the African Union. The European Union is not sending observers, noting that Ethiopia has not implemented recommendations by previous election observers. As Human Rights Watch documented after the 2010 elections, those who complain about election irregularities risk arrest and harassment.

"If we have an issue with government where do we go?" an Ethiopian who lives in a rural area recently told me, summing it up: "There is no media that will write our story, there are no more organisations that work on issues that the government does not like, if we take to the streets we are arrested, and if we go to their office to question we are called terrorists. If we go to the courts, there is no independence - we go to jail. There are no large opposition parties to vote for in the election, and even if there were, if we vote for them our lives then become very difficult. So what can we do? The elections are just another sign of our repression."

Source:http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2015/04/elections-ethiopian-style-150430084220440.html