OMN: Weekly English News Jan 11, 2017

Ethiopia: Eight soldiers killed in a fight with guerilla groups

ESAT News (January 6, 2017)
Eight regime soldiers have reportedly been killed in a fight with guerrilla groups operating in western Ethiopia.
A human rights activist for the Benishangul Gumuz region of Ethiopia, Halid Nassir confirmed to ESAT the ongoing fight between regime forces and guerrilla groups operating in the area.
Nassir said 12 people have been detained following the fight on Thursday and Friday. He also said security forces have been arresting and taking several people to Assosa in the last few days. Nassir said over 1000 people have been detained without due process of law.
The Benishangul People’s Liberation Movement claims a total of 51 regime soldiers have been killed in recent fights. Head of the Movement Abdulahi Aladih said civilians have also been killed in the recent fights but did not say how many.
The Ethiopian regime is facing armed resistance in all directions. There have been reports of fighting in northern Ethiopia where both the government and guerilla fighters claiming to have the upper hand.

Source: http://ethsat.com/2017/01/ethiopia-eight-soldiers-killed-fight-guerilla-groups/

The Auditor General says government offices fail to balance book in the amount of over 100 million dollars

The Ethiopian Auditor General said of the 145 government offices audited, 94 have not balanced their book in the amount of over 100 million dollars while 77 offices were found to have made illegal purchases in the amount of over 27 million dollars.

Presenting his report to the parliament, the auditor general, Gemechu Dubiso said the Government Procurement Office, the Ministry of Education, the Electoral Board and the Ministry of Defense, among others, were the main government offices that have not balanced their book in the said amount.

He said a number of universities, health institutions, industries, and the Ministry of Transport have made illegal purchases amounting to 27 million dollars.

In addition, six offices have made payments in the amount of over 1 million dollars without the proper documentation.

Ethiopia to Criminalise Mass email, Spamming

   

ADDIS ABABA, Wednesday

The Ethiopian government has drafted a new law, which will punish spammers with up to five years of imprisonment for mass mail distribution to advertise or sell products and services as well as people who share pictures and other contents using computer network.

Labelled ‘Computer Crime Proclamation’, the draft law was presented to the Ethiopian Parliament on Wednesday.

“Whosoever intentionally intimidates or threatens another person or his family with serious danger or injury by disseminating any writing, video, audio or any other image through a computer system shall be punishable, with simple imprisonment not exceeding three years or in a serious cases with rigorous imprisonment not exceeding five years,” reads article 13 sub article 1 of the draft proclamation which talks about crimes against liberty and reputation of persons.

It is not yet clear if the new law targets people who share pictures exposing the misdeeds of law enforcement agencies like the recent photos of the dead and wounded people during the recent Oromo students’ protests, which went viral on social media such as Facebook and Twitter, among others.

The 53 pages of the new law didn’t mention how it may impact government’s ongoing effort to bring good governance to the country by collecting information from whistle blowers and victims of human rights violations and corruption, among others.

Unless there is a prior consent from the recipient, dissemination of messages to multiple email addresses at a time, will lead up to imprisonment of five years and fine not exceeding 50,000 Ethiopian birr (around $2,355).

Source: http://www.addisinsight.com/ethiopia-criminalise-mass-email-spamming/

The Coming War: Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Nile

Malcolm Dash March 29, 2016
Egypt-Israel War
When Egypt’s then-president Mohamed Morsi said in June 2013 that “all options” including military intervention, were on the table if Ethiopia continued to develop dams on the Nile River, many dismissed it as posturing. But experts claim Cairo is deadly serious about defending its

historic water allotment, and if Ethiopia proceeds with construction of what is set to become Africa’s largest hydroelectric dam, a military strike cannot be discounted.

Egypt fears the new dam, slated to begin operation in 2017, that it will reduce the downstream flow of the Nile, which 85 million Egyptians rely on for almost all of their water needs. Officials in the Ministry of Irrigation claim Egypt will lose 20 to 30 percent of its share of Nile water and nearly a third of the electricity generated by its Aswan High Dam.

“One reason for the high level of anxiety is that nobody really knows how this dam is going to affect Egypt’s water share,” Richard Tutwiler, a specialist in water resource management at the American University in Cairo (AUC), tells Institute of Policy Studies. He added “Egypt is totally dependent on the Nile. Without it, there is no Egypt.”

Ethiopia, on margins of international attention largely for many decades by the international community has suddenly become a focus of interest. The country, source of 80% of the Nile’s waters, and now intends to impose its own vision for the river and a different division of its waters. Egypt, having been the dominant power in the region for 200 years, is still reeling from recent political upheavals, economic weakness and the drastic diminution of its development — all of which reduce it to the status of one Nile state among many, without the capacity for action.

Egypt is entirely dependent on other states for its water, almost all of which comes from the Nile. Its four principal sources rise several hundred kilometers beyond Egypt’s southern border: the Blue Nile, Sobat and Atbara and its tributaries located in Ethiopia, which provide around 80%, and the White Nile in Uganda, which provides the rest.

Egypt’s share of Nile water has until now been regulated by a 1959 agreement with Sudan, under which Egypt gets 55.5bn cubic meters a year and Sudan 18.5bn. (The annual flow averages 84bn cubic meters, 10bn of which evaporate from Lake Nasser, created by the construction of the Aswan Dam, which came into operation in 1964.) This agreement allotted nothing to Ethiopia and other upstream states.

In 2010 Ethiopia secured a treaty reorganizing water-management and construction projects, the New Nile Cooperative Framework Agreement. Burundi, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania are signatories. Under this treaty, a commission representing all the signatories will approve (or reject) large-scale hydraulic projects, dams, canals and anything else that has an impact on the course, volume or quality of the Nile’s waters.

This alliance between six of the nine members of the Nile Basin Initiative — the forum in which Nile states try to find practical solutions and formulate joint projects (1) — has shaken things up in the region. Egypt refused to sign without an undertaking from the signatories not to alter the current division of the water and to recognize the “historical rights” of downstream nations (Sudan and Egypt). It now finds itself without any right of inspection in the Renaissance Dam project — a source of discord — and, for the first time in its history, without a right of veto, which it had thought innate.

Ethiopia’s renaissance as a regional power is under way, strengthened by assets it has hitherto lacked. We are witnessing the emergence of a strong Ethiopia capable of playing a key geopolitical role in its zones of influence: the Nile basin and East Africa.

Egypt has appealed to international bodies to force Ethiopia to halt construction of the dam until its downstream impact can be determined. And while officials here hope for a diplomatic solution to diffuse the crisis, security sources say Egypt’s military leadership is prepared to use force to protect its stake in the river.

Former president Hosni Mubarak floated plans for an air strike on any dam that Ethiopia built on the Nile, and in 2010 established an airbase in southeastern Sudan as a staging point for just such an operation, according to leaked emails from the global intelligence organization Stratfor posted on WikiLeaks.

A long-simmering water conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt has moved a step closer to resolution, after the countries’ foreign ministers announced that they had reached a preliminary agreement on sharing Nile waters.

The deal, which still needs to be approved by the heads of state of Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan, appears to be an important breakthrough, observers say – although details of the agreement have not yet been made public.

“This is significant in my view,” Mwangi Kimenyi, a Brookings Institute fellow who co-authored a book on the need for a new legal regime on sharing Nile water, he told Al Jazeera. “Any development in the sharing of Nile water that is based on negotiations between the stakeholders is a positive development.”

The prospective deal is important because it marks a move away from Egypt’s historical insistence on maintaining colonial-era agreements on water rights. However without some mechanism for significantly increasing the overall supply of water it is unlikely to resolve the core issue of total demand exceeding available supply—and head off the grave consequences that it will inevitably precipitate.

Source: http://www.israelrising.com/coming-war-egypt-ethiopia-nile/

Famine renamed food insecurity

Washington, DC — According to some inside Ethiopia, NGO’s are being warned not to use the words “famine, starvation or death” in their food appeals. Neither are they to say that “children are dying on a daily basis,” or refer to “widespread famine” or say that “the policies of the government in Ethiopia are partially to blame.” Neither are they allowed to “compare the current crisis to the famine of the eighties.” Instead, the latest drought in Ethiopia is to be described as “food insecurity caused by a drought related to El Nino.”

Those not governed by these politically correct descriptions are saying it may be the worst drought in thirty years, similar to the famine of 1984-1985 that caused millions of deaths from starvation and triggered a world-wide response.

As one can see, the regime in Ethiopia is quite sensitive to this issue and is also actively denying media reports that substantiate the crisis. This was shown in the regime-controlled media’s efforts to debunk previous testimonies in a BBC TV program where a mother wept as she spoke of the death of her son from starvation. In a subsequent interview by the regime’s media of the same woman, she retracted her statement, saying her son’s death was unrelated to hunger. The regime is also taking issue with the UN’s projections that 15 million Ethiopians will be affected, replacing that figure with their own estimate of 8 million.

Some might ask why? Ethiopians believe they know why—because it is an embarrassment to a regime that has been enjoying international attention as an “economic lion” based on its own claims of double-digit economic growth. To start with, Ethiopians question the dependability of these growth statistics from an authoritarian regime that lacks any transparency and accountability; but on the other hand, their 100% electoral victory this past year is just as unbelievable. The economy has grown, but the majority is left out. Instead, the ruling ethnic apartheid party and their patronage networks have singularly enjoyed the economic boom as they have made off like “bandits”—literally. The largest export in the past year has been gold (21%) to Switzerland—who is getting that?

Keep in mind that the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the coalition party of 4 of the 9 regions of Ethiopia, is controlled at the top by the Central Committee of the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF).

They came into power in the aftermath of drought, starvation and death in Ethiopia, which may now recur. The Derg government of Mengistu Hailemariam, which they overthrew, had themselves come into power following another great famine in Ethiopia during Haile Selassie’s rule.

The EPRDF has had 24 years in power to prepare for another famine of historic proportions; but instead, they have exploited that power to prosper themselves. Instead of accepting any responsibility for bad decisions, failure to plan, or selfish use of resources and opportunities, the regime is now blaming “nature”, seeing Ethiopia’s “food insecurity” as an unavoidable effect of “El Nino,” something others dispute .

Ethiopians in the Diaspora are worried that many will die as a result of the regime’s failure to speak the truth. The drought promises to create a full-blown emergency; however, sadly, the regime is ill prepared to respond. In fact, good evidence exists that the blatant self-interest exercised by the current Ethiopian regime has created a disaster scenario that could have been avoided were there more equitable opportunity and better governance. This includes such negative contributors as the lack of privatization of land, failed agricultural policies, land-grabs by foreign and regime cronies of prime agricultural land and water sources, and the consolidation of power into the hands of TPLF-members and cronies, giving exclusionary access to the marketplace and agricultural land and supports based on this affiliation.

According to UN’s emergency aid coordination body, OCHA, the amount of food aid necessary to meet the size and scope of this crisis is so huge that humanitarian groups are deeply worried that they are already running far short of what is needed for the rest of 2015. Despite large pledges of food aid from the US, UK and China; it is not enough. Even though it is inconceivable, if ever there was an important time for substantial land reforms and the loosening up of a dictatorial grip on the lives and livelihoods of the Ethiopian people, it is now. No one expects it to happen.

So, in response, we propose a project be launched to gain widespread support from Ethiopians in the Diaspora as well as from concerned others, including those in the religious communities, to contribute to areas of high need through humanitarian organizations on the ground with a proven track record of effectiveness in Ethiopia.

Initially, there was an appeal from many Ethiopians throughout the world asking the SMNE to identify credible organizations working on the ground in Ethiopia so the SMNE might coordinate a fund-raising effort to support the work. The idea was to work with these organizations to make it easier to donate directly to an Ethiopian effort and then keep track of the amount being given as an encouragement to continue in the effort.

We began to investigate the possibilities and found that these organizations were very encouraged by the desire of Ethiopians to help the people. However, even though they really liked the idea, it had some risk in its execution. They feared that going public with such an effort, meaning making their partnership with the Diaspora known, could result in losing their license and being kicked out of the country.

Who loses then but the people in greatest need? Because of these serious concerns, we decided against doing it publically. Instead, we will do our best in directing people to the right organizations behind the scenes or by listing organizations that are working on the ground without referring to any in particular. We hope that later on, the organizations will eventually be able to give us more feedback. If you have questions, please feel free to contact us. Unfortunately, the EPRDF government values a boycott on truth more than they care about the deaths of our children.

In closing, we appeal to our fellow Ethiopians in the Diaspora to stand together, putting humanity before ethnicity, religion, political view, region or any other differences, so as to share in overcoming this manmade national crisis. We must unify together to raise money to help and then find ways to get the money to those helping Ethiopians on the ground. It is our most vulnerable who are suffering and it is our responsibility to be the first to help our own people for no one is free until all are free. Please raise this issue in your churches, mosques, community organizations, schools and among other groups who could help raise money to send home.

For those of you living in Ethiopia, please document what you see and hear through pictures, videos, written testimony and any other means you have so the word gets out and the world knows the truth.

Let us fill in the gap for a self-focused regime that has failed us. In addition, we can work together to raise awareness among our elected political representatives, wherever we are in the Diaspora. Many do not know the actual stories on the ground and believe the hype fed to them by groups promoting questionable statistics promoted by the regime.

Help your elected officials to better understand that this corrupt, ethnic-based regime, which many of them have supported, cannot be trusted to address the very real threat of famine, starvation and death of some 15 million people, even members of their own ethnic group. Let us bring attention to the needs of our people before it is too late.

May God reveal the truth and bring an end to this tragic and mostly avoidable crisis.

====================================

For more information, contact Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE. Email:Obang@solidaritymovement.org

Source:: Addisvoice

Exiled journalist speaks out on repression

CIVICUS speaks to Betre Yacob Getahun a journalist, writer, and human rights advocate and the founder and president of Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF). Getahun is also a co-author of Nipo Nipo Tu, a book which discusses the human rights and humanitarian problems in Ethiopia. He is exiled from Ethiopia after receiving several threats for his work.

Tell us about the Ethiopian Journalists Forum

The Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF) is an independent journalist association founded in January 2014. It was established by 40 journalists concerned about the deteriorating state of press freedom and freedom of speech in the country. And its objective was to protect the rights of journalists and promote freedom of speech and of the press.

Ethiopia is a repressive nation where no independent journalist associations exist. Those associations established earlier in the name of journalists are aligned with the government and are doing nothing for journalists.

Sadly EJF was disbanded by the government soon after its establishment. EJF was targeted by the authorities and accused of working to elicit violence and commit terrorism in the country with foreign powers including the United States and British governments, human right organisations and outlawed Ethiopian opposition groups. As its leader, I have also been subjected to harassment and threats, and was forced to flee the country as were three other leaders of EFJ.

How would you describe the situation for independent journalists and civil society in Ethiopia?

Freedom of speech and press freedom in Ethiopia is in a bad shape compared to any other previous period. Using repressive laws, the government has systematically continued to stifle dissent and independent voices. After Eritrea, Ethiopia is in the second-worst position of countries that jail journalists in Africa.

The media environment in Ethiopia is very hostile for journalists. Besides shutting down independent print media outlets, the government restricts access to numerous news websites including some international media. In addition to harassment, the authorities also regularly intimidate and threaten journalists and civil society members. There is also a tendency to arrest these groups and charge them with often vague terrorism offences which result in sentences of several years. As a result of this continuing mistreatment, many journalists and bloggers operating in the country are living in fear knowing that continuing their work will land them in jail. Some hence decide to leave the country altogether.

Among those jailed are Eskinder Nega, Woubeshet Taye and Yusuf Getachew. These journalists are now suffering in Kality, the most notorious prison in Addis Ababa.

Although repression in Ethiopia has a long history, government’s attitude has drastically hardened in the past few years. Following the hotly contested 2005 election and the ensuing Arab spring, the press freedom situation of the country has seen a rapid decline. The past two years were the worst with several independent press outlets being shut down. In 2014 alone, more than six publications were closed and one independent journalist association banned.

What justification is the Ethiopian government using to stifle human rights defenders in the country?

The government uses a variety of techniques including legislative restrictions that are now hindering the development of a free and independent media in the country.

The 2009 Anti-Terrorism law is one such legal instrument designed to target both journalists and bloggers and is extensively used as an instrument to stifle voices that oppose the government. Since that law came into effect in 2009, so many journalists and bloggers have been charged under it for simply publishing information.

The 2008 Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation is also another piece of legislation that has been used to restrict journalists. The 2005 Criminal Code also contains provisions that limit press freedom and freedom of speech.

The Ethiopian government is also hostile to civil society and freedom of association is severely restricted. The 2009 Proclamation is the product of this government hostility. The Anti-Terror law weakened the work of civil society organisations, particularly organisations working on human rights issues and those that advocate for democratic governance.

The Ethiopian government sees civic societies as an enemy to its power and always does its best to prevent the establishment of such entities, especially those working on human rights and democracy. The Charities and Societies Agency is always reluctant and unwilling to register CSOs whose objective is to advance human rights or democracy issues. One can only be successfully registered and get government collaboration if the goals of the organisation are not a threat to the government.

The government also interferes directly in the activities of those who managed to get registered in the past accusing them of being foreign agents and attempts to infiltrate the organisations with those who will feed information to intelligence operatives is commonplace. Unfortunately associations end up changing their objectives and programmes to conform to the interests of the government.

In addition to that, most CSOs are made unable to get funding from abroad due to restrictions and this has weakened their work.

Human rights defenders also face intimidation, harassment, and arbitrary arrests. Many of them are arrested and tortured by police and security officials.The well-publicised case of Zone 9 bloggers is a good example. After a series of intimidation and harassment, the bloggers were arrested in 2014 and spent more than 450 days in prison unlawfully. During their trials some of them reported to the court their gruesome experiences in prison which included torture. Although they were recently released, many of them live in fear and are unable to resume their work.

Do you believe the international community is playing a positive role in addressing human rights violations in Ethiopia?

There are some efforts made by the international community to address the human right problem in Ethiopia, but I believe it is not enough. The widespread human right violations in Ethiopia are the results of government policy and a deliberate action taken by the authorities. So, to overcome the problem is complicated. It requires serious attention especially from countries like the United States and United Kingdom who have strong ties with Ethiopia. Beyond condemnation, they should take practical actions that can force the Ethiopian authorities to respect human rights and abide by international laws. These actions may include strategic sanctions that selectively target the government.

In addition, it is important to support human right defenders operating in Ethiopia in this hostile environment and to give recognition to their work. Support such as financial help to training are key to build their capacity.

Follow him on Twitter @betreyacob

Source:: Addisvoice

Saudi investors say Ethiopian govt officials ‘robbed’ them



RIYADH: Saudi investors have accused some Ethiopian government officials of robbing them of their land and equipment.
Mohammed Al-Shehri, who leads a body of investors in the African country, claimed that certain Ethiopian officials falsely accused him and others of criminal activities so that they could confiscate their property.
Al-Shehri was quoted as saying in a local publication that the alleged corruption was rife in certain areas, with some investors imprisoned and accused of forgery, and not allowed to bring their equipment back to Saudi Arabia.
He said that all farming operations of Saudi citizens in Ethiopia had come to a virtual standstill six years after their inception. The African country had failed to live up to promises made to investors, he said.
Al-Shehri said that 50 percent of Saudi investors in Ethiopia have left the country, some leaving behind their farms and others selling them. He said many do not want to return there because they fear being framed for crimes they did not commit.
He said that the investors have contacted the foreign ministries of both countries but have yet to get a response on the allegations. Saudi investors were facing similar problems in other countries, including Sudan, he claimed.

Source :http://www.arabnews.com/saudi-arabia/news/840186

China provides emergency food aid to Ethiopia

English.news.cn 2015-11-13 04:53:51
ADDIS ABABA, Nov. 12 (Xinhua) -- China and Ethiopia on Thursday signed agreement that China will provide 50 million RMB (about 7.93 million U.S. dollars) for emergency food aid to Ethiopia.

Qian Keming, Chinese Vice Minister of Commerce, and Abdulaziz Mohammed, Ethiopian Minister of Finance and Economic Cooperation, have signed the agreement at ceremony held in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa.

China's latest assistance has come in response of Ethiopian government announcement to support drought victims in certain areas of the East African country.

Climate change, which is a global phenomenon occurred as a result of what is called "El Nino" has affected several districts in south and eastern part of Ethiopia, said Abdulaziz after signing the agreement.

"Following the incident, the government of Ethiopia responded and distributed food and other associated supports from national reserves to the affected areas; as a result many casualties have been remedied," noted the Minister.

"However, the drought incident took longer time, hence we are obliged to announce to the international community to help us in curbing the humanitarian crisis and the exchange of letter we have signed today is in response to our plea," stated the Minister.

The Minister commended the people and government of China for the quick response to the current situation in Ethiopia and for the ever increasing development assistance provided to date to support Ethiopia's development efforts.

"Ethiopia attaches high value to the Chinese government's immediate response to the current situation and hence, China is discharging its global obligation to address humanitarian problems," he said.

Qian Keming, Chinese Vice Minister of Commerce, noted on the occasion that China stands by the side of Ethiopia during the current situation.

"The El Nino and climate change is beyond our control but I believe our friendship will contribute and play a positive role," said the Vice Minister.

He noted the efforts made by government and people of Ethiopia to address the problem.

Qian is leading a Chinese business delegation to Ethiopia for a four-day visit here, whereby he is expected to meet with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn of Ethiopia and senior government officials among others to discuss issues related to common interest of China and Ethiopia.

While attending the 70th anniversary of the Victory Day and Military Parade in China, Prime Minister Hailemariam met and held discussions with President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang on various issues, recalled the Vice Minister.

He also recalled that the leaders of the two countries reached agreement of cooperation on various fields.

Qian stated that he had fruitful discussion with the Ethiopian Finance and Economic Cooperation on the implementation of the consensus reached between the leaders of the two countries.

He also expressed China's readiness to strengthen cooperation with Ethiopia as the East African country implements its second growth and transformation plan (GTP II).
But
Source : http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2015-11/13/c_134810877.htm

U.S. Announces $97 Million in Additional Emergency Food Assistance for Ethiopia

WASHINGTON D.C., United States of America, November 10, 2015/APO (African Press Organization)/ -- The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) announced it is providing nearly $97 million in additional food assistance to assist vulnerable populations in Ethiopia, including those severely affected by the impacts of the El Niño weather phenomenon.
The contribution provided by USAID's Office of Food for Peace includes more than 154,000 tons of emergency food assistance to address food needs of approximately 3.5 million Ethiopians as well as refugees from Somalia, South Sudan and Eritrea who have fled conflict in their own countries. USAID is contributing $58 million to its partner Catholic Relief Services for 105,700 tons of U.S. food; providing $19 million to the UN World Food Program (WFP) for its drought relief operation, and $20 million for its refugee assistance. The United States has also pre-positioned relief commodities in Ethiopia to meet anticipated increased needs from El Niño.  USAID food assistance contributions have been early and robust, thanks to the early warning and careful tracking of the progression of El Niño in the Horn of Africa.

The El Niño has significantly impacted weather patterns in Ethiopia this year, limiting agricultural production, straining livelihoods, and exacerbating food insecurity among poor and vulnerable households. The projected level of need for emergency aid in Ethiopia has grown from 2.9 million people in early 2015 to 4.5 million people in August to 8.2 million people as of mid-October. As El Niño progresses into 2016, Ethiopia is likely to experience both prolonged drought and intense flooding that will further deteriorate food security.

"Improved early warning, the establishment of the Productive Safety Net Program, as well as serious engagement by the Government of Ethiopia to analyze and respond to the ongoing El Niño crisis means that we are not likely to see the kind of famine conditions we witnessed in Ethiopia in earlier decades," said Dina Esposito, Director of USAID's Office of Food for Peace.  She added, "While this is the good news part of the story, it is not cause for complacency. Given that we are witnessing the driest conditions ever recorded in parts of Ethiopia, we know the magnitude of the need will require far more robust support globally than what has currently been pledged. With these early contributions we aim to demonstrate the United States' deep concern over rapidly expanding relief requirements and send a signal to other donors to respond generously as well."

Since 2005, USAID and other donors have supported the Government of Ethiopia's (GoE) Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP). With the help of the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations, the PSNP addresses the basic food needs of approximately 8 million chronically food insecure people by providing 4-6 months of timely and predictable transfers of food and cash resources each year to very poor households,  in exchange for their engagement in public works projects. This program, which has led to improved natural resource management, nutrition and health education and establishment of savings groups has built the resilience of these communities and is helping many poor households withstand the worse impacts of this drought. Since summer 2015, USAID has provided nearly $246 million in food and nutrition assistance in Ethiopia.

Distributed by APO (African Press Organization) on behalf of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).

Source :http://www.africa-newsroom.com/press/us-announces-97-million-in-additional-emergency-food-assistance-for-ethiopia?lang=en

Reuters: El Nino threatens 11 million children in Africa with hunger, disease: U.N.

By Katy Migiro

NAIROBI (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - Some 11 million children in eastern and southern Africa face hunger, disease and water shortages as a result of the strongest El Niño weather phenomenon in decades, the United Nations children's fund (UNICEF) said on Tuesday.

Food and water shortages caused by drought and floods are causing malnutrition, which increases children's vulnerability to killer diseases like malaria, diarrhoea, cholera and dengue fever, it said.

"The consequences could ripple through generations unless affected communities receive support," UNICEF said in a statement, referring to stunting, which affects children who are getting too few proteins, vitamins and minerals in their food.

Stunted children have poor cognitive development and health, achieve less at school and, as adults, earn less than children who had adequate nutrition, studies show.

El Nino, caused by Pacific Ocean warming, has caused drought in several parts of Africa, including Malawi and Zimbabwe.

The worst affected country is Ethiopia, which has the second largest population in Africa and is suffering its severest drought in 30 years.

More than eight million Ethiopians need food aid, and this number could rise to 15 million by early 2016, the United Nations said.

Some 350,000 Ethiopian children have severe acute malnutrition, UNICEF said, which means they are likely to die without therapeutic feeding.

In Somalia, flash floods have destroyed thousands of makeshift homes and destroyed crops, with further rains expected to increase the number of people in need of life-saving aid above the current 3.2 million.

El Niño is forecast to continue strengthening into early 2016, causing more floods and droughts and fuelling Pacific typhoons and cyclones.

UNICEF's executive director, Anthony Lake, said he hoped the humanitarian crisis caused by El Nino would focus minds at U.N. talks in France from Nov. 30 to secure a new global deal to slow climate change.

"Its intensity and potential destructiveness should be a wake-up call as world leaders gather in Paris," Lake said in a statement.

"As they (world leaders) debate an agreement on limiting global warming, they should recall that the future of today's children and of the planet they will inherit is at stake."

El Niños are not caused by climate change but scientists believe they are becoming more intense as a result of it.

The poorest regions of the world are among the hardest hit and least able to cope.

(Reporting by Katy Migiro, editing by Tim Pearce. Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers humanitarian news, women’s rights, corruption and climate change. Visit www.trust.org)

Saudi Arabia, U.A.E Paying Eritrea to Back Yemen Fight, UN Says

From Bloomberg

Ilya Gridneff
African nation allowed use of land, airspace, UN report says
Potential violation of UN resolutions if compensation misused
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are paying Eritrea to help fight its anti-Houthi military campaign in Yemen in an agreement that may violate United Nations sanctions against the Horn of Africa nation, according to a UN report.

Eritrea is allowing the Arab coalition to use its land, airspace and territorial waters in a “new strategic military relationship with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates,” the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea said in its report published Oct. 21. The arrangement would violate Security Council resolutions if Eritrea diverted the compensation “towards activities that threaten peace and security,” it said.

A request for comment from the Saudi-led coalition in Riyadh wasn’t answered. The U.A.E’s national media office and Eritrea’s Information Ministry didn’t immediately respond to e-mailed requests for comment.

Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. struck the deal with Eritrea earlier this year after failing to arrange a similar accord with its neighbor Djibouti, according to the report. Eritrea receives fuel and financial compensation in return for its support, which includes providing 400 soldiers who “are embedded with the United Arab Emirates contingent of the forces fighting on Yemeni soil.” The report didn’t give further details on the payments.

Supporting Militants

Eritrea, situated along one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes on the Red Sea, is less than 100 kilometers (62 miles) across the waterway from Yemen at its closest point. Sanctions were imposed on the country in 2009 after the government was accused by the UN of sending 2,000 troops to Somalia to support an insurgency by al-Qaeda-linked militants.

Sudan, which also borders Eritrea, is part of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen, providing aircraft and deploying at least 300 infantry troops, according to its military. The alliance is trying to reinstate the government of President Abdurabuh Mansur Hadi, which crumbled after Houthi rebels overran the capital, Sana’a, last year, forcing him to flee to Saudi Arabia.

Eritrean citizens fleeing forced labor and conscription in the northeast African nation make up the third-biggest source of migrants who crossed into Europe by sea in the first six months of 2015, after Syrians and Afghans, according to the UN Refugee Agency.

Source:: strathink.net

Concerns raised over UK export of nuclear weapon 'ingredient' to Ethiopia

THE UK Government has been urged to provide assurances of “strict scrutiny” over the export of material which can be used to manufacture nuclear weapons to a country with defence links to North Korea.

Data shows that in January this year, the UK approved the export of £1,193 of deuterium compounds to Ethiopia under a licence granted by the government’s Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS).

The material has uses ranging from the construction of nuclear reactors and the manufacture of medicinal drugs, to the production of nuclear weapons.

The information, collected by the Campaign Against the Arms Trade (CAAT), also shows the deuterium has been exported to Ethiopia under a “dual-use” licence as goods for both military and civilian purposes.

But SNP MP Stephen Gethins, a member of the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, has raised concerns over the transaction, pointing out there is no record of any nuclear power reactor in Ethiopia.

The country has also signed up to treaties banning the use and spread of nuclear weapons.

Gethins has written to Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond pointing out Ethiopia’s “longstanding” defence relationship with North Korea, which has a “predilection for nuclear armament”.

He told the Sunday Herald: “I want reassurances from the UK Government that it is applying the strictest scrutiny on the sale of materials overseas that have potential to be used in any kind of nuclear proliferation.

“When it comes to these kinds of transactions, security and safety must be paramount and any Government activity must be absolutely transparent.”

The letter to Hammond, sent by Gethins last week, notes that two major uses of deuterium are in the construction of nuclear reactors and “in the creation of the fusion fuel needed to achieve thermonuclear capabilities”.

However, it states a worldwide database on nuclear power plants in operation or under construction, which is held by the International Atomic Energy Agency, has no record of a power reactor in Ethiopia. It goes on to highlight reports that Ethiopia has bought large quantities of North Korean arms and munitions since the 1980s.

The letter said: “Given Ethiopia has signed and ratified the African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty and the Non-Proliferation Treaty, what purpose could be had for acquiring nuclear material that has military

capabilities?

“With North Korea’s predilection for nuclear armament, Ethiopia having been found to have onsold deuterium would constitute a serious violation of international law.”

According to data collected by CAAT, around 86 licences for export of deuterium compounds have been issued over the past five years to countries including Saudi Arabia, Kazakhstan, Qatar, Angola, Iraq, Egypt, Jordan, Brazil, Norway and Ghana.

The material has also been exported to the United Arab Emirates, although some licences were refused in 2014 due to a “risk of diversion or re-export to undesirable users”.

Andrew Smith, spokesman for CAAT, said: “A lot of the components and equipment that the government licences for civilian purposes can also be used in the production of arms. If there is reason to suspect that equipment being sold to Ethiopia is reaching North Korea then it must be investigated straight away.”

A FCO spokesman said: “The UK has one of the most transparent and rigorous export control systems in the world. Each export licence application is carefully assessed on a case-by-case basis against the Consolidated EU

and National Arms Export Licensing Criteria.”

The London Embassy of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia was asked to comment but did not respond

Source: http://m.heraldscotland.com/news/13928589.Concerns_raised_over_UK_export_of_nuclear_weapon__ingredient__to_Ethiopia/

VOA and the unanswered questions

By Abebe Gellaw

It turns out that after attending the UN General Assembly, Tedros Adhanom and Girma Birru rushed all the way from New York to Washington D.C. to stage their scandalous VOA “nightline show” on Saturday, September 26. It was a well-planned and coordinated mission which was made possible through the efforts of their expanding network, contacts and agents at VOA and beyond.

Backdoor diplomacy

Despite the outrageous nature of the backdoor scheme, which afforded a chance to the messengers of tyranny to dictate their whims and wishes of distorting the Voice of America, some people at the scandal-ridden section appear to be confused about their roles, rights and duties. A few think that it is okay to use their VOA position to serve tyranny in overt and covert operations. But it is a very risky misadventure in this age and time where the evidence maybe just a few clicks away.

There are also a couple of others that think that pushing any serious questions under the carpet and engaging in empty threats and abusive speeches, instead of addressing the real issues and questions at hand, is the hallmark of their professionalism and greatness. It appears that their confusion is going from bad to worse with each passing day. Thinking that no one can raise questions to them and report on matters of public concern reveals a regressive tendency akin to dictatorship.

That extraordinary meeting called at night to discuss the editorial quality and content of VOA broadcasts with representatives of a criminal regime was not a standard practice, as some try to pretend. It may be easy to dismiss serious issues being raised at coffee gatherings. But it appears that it is not as easy as the office bravado to do it properly. In any case, as far as the scandal is concerned, no one has come forward so far to explain the inexplicable backdoor diplomacy of Tedros Adhandom and Girma Birru at VOA.

VOA claims to be a beacon of hope, truth and freedom to oppressed people around the world. Contrary to that, the top diplomats of the TPLF-led tyranny openly represent oppression and injustice of an evil regime ruthlessly torturing, jailing, killing, kidnapping, displacing and robbing innocent civilians. This is not bias, but a reality that VOA itself helped to document well, at least in the past.

Unanswered questions

Whatever was the nature and intent of the talks, the guidance and edicts issued from the tyrannical side, there are seriously lingering questions that still need to be answered. When I received credible information from reliable sources on the bizarre meeting, I did my level best to get to the bottom of the issue and verify the information I received well before I published the story.

On Wednesday, October 21, 2015, at exactly 8:30 AM PST (11:30 AM EST), I called VOA Public Relations and talked to a PR officer named George Mackenzie. I explained what I needed and the kinds of questions I wanted to raise. He asked me to send my questions in writing so that he could route them to whoever would be the appropriate person to answer or give me an interview.

Within half an hour, I drafted my questions and emailed them at 9:03 AM. For the record, without fear or favor, the main questions were the following.

Dear VOA PR,

Further to my phone call this morning, I would like to submit the following questions regarding the visit of Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom and Ambassador Girma Birru.

I have received credible information regarding an unusual meeting the minister and the ambassador held at VOA headquarters, on Saturday, September 26th, 2015, from 7 PM to 9 AM, with journalists of VOA working at the Horn of Africa Section.

1. What was the nature of the meeting?

2. Who authorized the meeting, especially on a Saturday night?

3. Were VOA management invited to attend the meeting? If so, how did they handle the invitation?

4. Was the State Department or any other federal government agencies informed about the questionable meeting?

5. The top Ethiopian officials have reportedly demanded VOA journalists to focus on progress and development instead of sensitive issues like human rights. They have also allegedly said that giving airtime to dissidents was wrong. How does VOA approach the issue?

6. There is a feeling that the Ethiopian government should not have been allowed to compromise VOA’s independence and put undue influence or pressure on broadcasters. What is VOA’s position on this?

7. The Ethiopian government is known to be an enemy of press freedom. Why did VOA allow the officials to try to give instructions and guidelines to the journalists in the name of building trust?

8. Why do VOA journalists need to build trust and soften critical coverage about the repressive regime?

9. The officials have reportedly hinted that they are constantly informed about who does what at the VOA Horn of Africa section. Does VOA have any channels to inform them about who does what at the section?

10. What is the overall assessment of VOA on the outcome of the meeting and promises of “working together” for mutual benefit?

I thank you for your cooperation in anticipation.

My deadline is tomorrow. Please get back to me as soon as possible.

Best regards

Abebe Gellaw

******

After a few hours, I called to enquire when I can get the answers. Mr. Mackenzie told me that the questions were forwarded to the concerned authority. Apparently, the VOA boss who was supposed to give the answers happened to be an Ethiopian. But the boss failed to answer any of the questions despite my repeated phone calls and follow-up emails. Instead of answering the simple questions, they have resorted to inappropriate posturing and badmouthing. Needless to go into details at this stage, it is better to ignore the side show and focus on the pressing issues at hand.

Fairness and balance

I am curiously waiting that any of the questions will be answered satisfactorily. If the concerned VOA managers are serious about challenging the reports, it is better to do it openly and make themselves available for an interview. They can also open the airwaves for an honest discussion with the public and tell us what happened. Instead of reporting on every tiny matter that nobody cares about, what was being discussed on a Saturday night with the top guns of tyranny is newsworthy. There may also be audio recordings that can reveal the raw deal. Nothing is impossible!

On many occasions, I have written and reported on the messes and problems within VOA Horn of Africa section, especially VOA Amharic. While VOA’s senior executives have tried their level best to answer questions and investigate wrongdoings, including admitting that Henok Semaegzer’s amateurish distortions were below VOA’s standard, the concerned African division and service heads never answered any questions and have in fact exhibited dictatorial tendencies repeatedly. The same people cry foul after stories are published without still answering any questions or demanding corrections, if at all there are inaccuracies that can be challenged with factual evidence.

In the spirit of fairness and balance, the bosses should also convene another Saturday or Sunday night meeting behind the scene with opposition party leaders and the countless victims of TPLF’s tyranny to review the editorial quality of VOA and give their own guidelines and orders. That is the easy way to open a can of worms.

It is ironic to note that some VOA bosses used to claim to have an issue with government officials for failing or refusing to answer any serious questions raised by VOA Amharic service. Unless they are talking about a different standard, the same must apply to themselves. If getting answers to their questions is so important that they had to go out of their ways to welcome the tyrants in the middle of the night, why is it that answering a few serious questions once in a blue moon has become so hard for them?

It is evident that the tentacles of the TPLF regime, fearful of its fate and demise, is expanding inside and outside of the country. That is why it has an agenda of muzzling and suppressing every little voice. VOA has not been immune from the attacks over the years. When the failed jammers get a chance to jam from inside using their connections, it raises serious concerns that cannot be easily dismissed or pushed under the carpet now or in the future.

It is a well-known fact that VOA Amharic service is particularly a target of TPLF tyrants, who have also made serious efforts not only to jam it but also infiltrate the core team. The effort has made a difference to some extent. Sooner or later, VOA could be another TPLF propaganda outlet if the current rush to the bottom continues unchecked. Does Ethiopia need VOA to do such a hack job like Fana and Walta? The answer is obvious.

After living in the U.S. for decades, there are still a few people that do not seem to understand that VOA does not enjoy any special privileges that make it immune from public scrutiny at various levels. When questions are raised on its activities, it is expected to give proper answers. Behaving like African dictators whenever issues are raised, opinions and reports are published contradicts not only the very missions of VOA, but also infringes the tenets of U.S. constitution.

Here in the United States, we, the people, who exercise our rights to the full, are not powerless or voiceless. We have constitutionally guaranteed rights to voice our concerns and demand answers to our legitimate questions. We can speak out, write, complaint, petition or even legally challenge wrongdoings without fear of persecution. We can hold public institutions and officials accountable. No amount of dictatorial insult or threat helps to change this reality.

The huffing and puffing or resorting to cheap shots behind closed doors is only a sign of weakness, not a position of strength. In reality, such an approach mostly backfires as it only raises more questions and scrutiny.

Just to state the obvious, the standards expected of VOA services are much higher than propaganda outlets run by tin-pot African dictators. If this is not too obvious to miss, what else can be? Whatever one may say, it is not easy to intimidate and silence those who exercise their rights and respect their duties. I, for one, is not ready to be silenced with empty threats or cheap insults. I do hope that my position is at least clear enough.

Source:: Addisvoice

Country Report: Freedom house 2015, Ethiopia scored 82, Still not Free

For PDF verstion click here: http://docdro.id/fTwW1q6

Key Developments: 

JUNE 2014—MAY 2015

• A significant number of service interruptions in the name of routine maintenance and system updates resulted in worsening service across the country. Internet services on 3G mobile internet networks were reportedly unavailable for more than a month in July and August 2014 (see Restrictions on Connectivity).  
• A growing number of critical news and opposition websites were blocked in the lead up to the May 2015 elections (see Blocking and Filtering).
• Six bloggers of the prominent Zone 9 blogging collective arrested in April 2014 were officially charged with terrorism in July 2014; two of the bloggers were unexpectedly released and acquitted in July 2015, joined by the four others in October (see Prosecutions and Arrests).
• A university political science teacher known for his Facebook activism and another blogger were arrested and charged with terrorism in July 2014, among three others (see Prosecutions and Arrests).
• Online journalists in the Ethiopian diaspora were attacked with Hacking Team’s sophisticated surveillance malware (see Technical Attacks). 

Introduction: 

Ethiopia, the second most populated country in sub-Saharan Africa, has one of the lowest rates of internet and mobile phone connectivity in the world. Telecommunication services, in general, and the internet, in particular, are among the most unaffordable commodities for the majority of Ethiopians, as poor telecom infrastructure, the government’s monopoly over the information and communication technologies (ICTs) sector, and obstructive telecom policies have significantly hindered the growth of ICTs in the country, making the cost of access prohibitively expensive.

Despite the country’s extremely poor telecommunications services and a largely disconnected population, Ethiopia is also known as one of the first African countries to censor the internet, beginning in 2006 with opposition blogs.[1] Since then, internet censorship has become pervasive and systematic through the use of highly sophisticated tools that block and filter internet content and monitor user activity. The majority of blocked websites feature critical news and opposition viewpoints run by individuals and organizations based in the diaspora. In the lead up to the May 2015 general elections, a growing number of critical news and opposition websites were blocked, while select tools, such as Storify and a popular URL shortening tool Bitly, remained blocked throughout the year. The government also employs commentators and trolls to proactively manipulate the online news and information landscape, and surveillance of mobile phone and internet networks is systematic and widespread.

In 2014–15, the Ethiopian authorities increased their crackdown on bloggers and online journalists, using the country’s harsh laws to prosecute individuals for their online activities and quash critical voices. The Zone 9 bloggers arrested in April 2014 were charged with terrorism in July 2014 and subsequently subjected to a series of sham trials through mid-2015. In July 2015, two of the imprisoned Zone 9 bloggers were unexpectedly released and acquitted of all charges, which observers attributed to U.S. President Barack Obama’s official visit to the country later that month. The four remaining Zone 9 bloggers were acquitted in October. Nevertheless, five other critical voices and bloggers who were arrested in July 2014 and charged with terrorism remain in prison. During the numerous Zone 9 trials throughout 2014–2015, several supporters were temporarily arrested for posting updates and pictures of their trials on social media via mobile devices.

Obstacles to Access: 

A significant number of service interruptions in the name of routine maintenance and system updates resulted in worsening service across the country. Internet services on 3G mobile internet networks were reportedly unavailable for more than a month in July and August 2014.

Availability and Ease of Access   

In 2015, access to ICTs in Ethiopia remained extremely limited, hampered by slow speeds and the state’s tight grip on the telecom sector.[2] According to the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), internet penetration stood at a mere 3 percent in 2014, up from just 2 percent in 2013.[3] Only 0.5 percent of the population had access to fixed-broadband connections, increasing from 0.25 percent in 2013.[4]Ethiopians had more access to mobile phone services, with mobile phone penetration rates increasing from 27 percent in 2013 to 32 percent in 2014,[5] though such access rates still lag behind an estimated regional average of 74 percent,[6] and cell phone ownership is much more common in urban areas than rural areas. Meanwhile, less than 5 percent of the population has a mobile-broadband subscription as of the latest available data from 2013.[7] In March 2015, Ethiopia’s single telecoms provider, the state-owned EthioTelecom, announced it had launched 4GLTE mobile technology in the capital Addis Ababa,[8] but the service is reportedly only available to a mere 400,000 subscribers.[9]  Radio remains the principal mass medium through which most Ethiopians stay informed.

While access to the internet via mobile phones increased slightly in the past year, prohibitively expensive mobile data packages still posed a significant financial obstacle for the majority of the population in Ethiopia, where per capita income stood at US$470 as of the latest available data from 2013.[10] Ethiopia’s telecom market is highly undeveloped due to monopolistic control, providing customers with few options at arbitrary prices, which are set by the state-controlled EthioTelecom and kept artificially high.[11] As of mid-2015, monthly packages cost between ETB 200 and 3,000 (US$10 to $150) for 1 to 30 GB of 3G mobile services.

The combined cost of purchasing a computer, setting up an internet connection, and paying usage charges makes internet access beyond the reach of most Ethiopians. Consequently, only 2 percent of Ethiopian households have fixed-line internet access in their homes.[12] While access via mobile internet is increasing, the majority of internet users still rely on cybercafes to log online. A typical internet user in Addis Ababa pays between ETB 5 and 7 (US$0.25 to $0.35) for an hour of access. Because of the scarcity of internet cafes outside urban areas, however, rates in rural cybercafes are more expensive.

For the few Ethiopians who can access the internet, connection speeds are known to be painstakingly slow and have not improved in years, despite rapid improvements everywhere else around the world.  Logging into an email account and opening a single message can still take as long as six minutes at a standard cybercafe with broadband in the capital city—the same rate reported over the past few years—while attaching documents or images to an email can take as long as eight minutes or more.[13] According to May 2015 data from Akamai’s “State of the Internet” report, Ethiopia has an average connection speed of 1.8 Mbps (compared to a global average of 3.9 Mbps).[14]

Despite reports of massive investments from Chinese telecom companies in recent years,[15] Ethiopia’s telecommunications infrastructure is among the least developed in Africa and is almost entirely absent from rural areas, where about 85 percent of the population resides. There are only a few signal stations across the country, resulting in frequent network congestions and disconnections, even on state controlled media.[16] Consequently, many people often use their cell phones as music players or cameras. In a typical small town of Ethiopia, individuals often hike to the top of their nearest hills to access a signal for a mobile phone call. Frequent electricity outages also contribute to poor telecom services.

Restrictions on Connectivity 

The Ethiopian government’s complete control over the country’s telecommunications infrastructure via EthioTelecom enables it to restrict access to the internet and mobile phone services. Ethiopia is connected to the international internet via satellite, a fiber-optic cable that passes through Sudan and connects to its international gateway, and the SEACOM cable that connects through Djibouti to an international undersea cable. All connections to the international internet are completely centralized via EthioTelecom, enabling the government to cut off the internet at will. As a result, the internet research company Renesys classified Ethiopia “as being at severe risk of Internet disconnection,” alongside Syria, Uzbekistan, and Yemen in a February 2014 assessment.[17]

There were a significant number of service interruptions throughout the year in the name of routine maintenance of network infrastructure and system updates across the country, resulting in worsening service. Numerous users reported extremely slow internet and text messaging speeds during the coverage period, and internet services on EVDO and CDMA networks were reportedly unavailable for more than a month in July and August 2014.[18]

In a sample test conducted in March 2015 to measure the frequency and pervasiveness of mobile network interruptions, 40 to 60 percent of phone calls dropped in the middle of conversation.[19] Nearly 70 percent of the time, testers needed to make prolonged and repeated attempts for their calls to go through. Text messaging services were also found to be extremely poor and slow. The same sample test found that it took an average of six minutes to send a text message to ten individuals, while replies varied from one to six minutes. Approximately 30 percent of text messages were not delivered to the intended recipient at all. The test further found that 60 percent of mobile phone users frequently ran out of their prepaid mobile data allowances prematurely.

ICT Market

The space for independent initiatives in the ICT sector, entrepreneurial or otherwise, is extremely limited,[20] with state-owned EthioTelecom holding a firm monopoly over internet and mobile phone services as the country’s sole telecommunications service provider. Despite repeated international pressure to liberalize telecommunications in Ethiopia, the government refuses to ease its grip on the sector.[21]

China is a key investor in Ethiopia’s telecommunications industry,[22]with Zhongxing Telecommunication Corporation (ZTE) and Huawei currently serving as contractors to upgrade broadband networks to 4G in Addis Ababa and to expand 3G across the country.[23] The partnership has enabled Ethiopia’s authoritarian leaders to maintain their hold over the telecom sector,[24] though the networks built by the Chinese firms have been criticized for their high cost and poor service.[25] Furthermore, the contracts have led to increasing fears that the Chinese may also be assisting the authorities in developing more robust ICT censorship and surveillance capacities.[26] In December 2014, the Swedish telecom group Ericsson emerged as the latest partner to improve and repair the quality of Ethiopia’s mobile network infrastructure,[27] though China’s ZTE still maintains the lion’s share of the telecom infrastructure investment sector. 

Meanwhile, onerous government regulations stymie other aspects of the Ethiopian ICT market. For one, imported ICT items are tariffed at the same heavy rate as luxury items, unlike other imported goods such as construction materials and heavy duty machinery, which are given duty-free import privileges to encourage investments in infrastructure.[28]Ethiopians are required register their laptops and tablets at the airport with the Ethiopian customs authority before they travel out of the country, ostensibly to prevent individuals from illegally importing electronic devices, though observers believe the requirement is an effort to keep tabs on the ICT activities of Ethiopian citizens.[29]

Local software companies in the country have also suffered from heavy-handed government regulations, which do not have fair, open, or transparent ways of evaluating and awarding bids for new software projects.[30] Government companies are given priority for every kind of project, while smaller entrepreneurial software companies are completely overlooked, leaving few opportunities for local technology companies to thrive.  

Meanwhile, cybercafes are subject to onerous operating requirements under the 2002 Telecommunications (Amendment) Proclamation,[31]which requires cybercafe owners to obtain an operating license with EthioTelecom via a murky process that can take months. In the past few years, EthioTelecom began enforcing its licensing requirements more strictly in response to the increasing spread of cybercafes, reportedly penalizing Muslim cafe owners more harshly. Violations of the stringent requirements, such as a prohibition on providing Voice-over-IP (VoIP) services, entail criminal liability, though there have been no reported violations to date.[32]

Regulatory Bodies

Since the emergence of the internet in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Telecommunications Agency (ETA) has been the primary regulatory body overseeing the telecommunications sector. In practice, executives in the government have complete control over ICT policy and sector regulation.[33] The Information Network Security Agency (INSA), a government agency established in 2011 and controlled by individuals with strong ties to the ruling regime,[34] also has significant power in regulating the internet under the mandate of protecting the country’s communications infrastructure and preventing cybercrimes in the country.

Limits on Content: 

Dozens of critical news and opposition websites and blogs were blocked as the country prepared for the general elections in May 2015. Over 100 websites remained blocked overall. The activities of progovernment commentators noticeably increased during the coverage period.

Blocking and Filtering

The Ethiopian government imposes nationwide, politically motivated internet blocking and filtering that tends to tighten ahead of sensitive political events. The majority of blocked websites are those that feature opposition or critical content run by individuals or organizations based in the country or the diaspora. The government’s approach to internet filtering generally entails hindering access to a list of specific internet protocol (IP) addresses or domain names at the level of the EthioTelecom-controlled international gateway. Deep-packet inspection (DPI) is also employed, which blocks websites based on a keyword in the content of a website or piece of communication (such as email).[35]

During the coverage period, over one hundred websites remained inaccessible in Ethiopia.[36] Blocked sites included Ethiopian news websites, political party websites, blogs, television and online radio websites, and the websites of international digital rights organizations, such as the Electronic Frontier Foundation and Tactical Technology Collective. Select tools such as text messaging apps and services on Google’s Android operating system on smartphones were inaccessible at irregular intervals but for unclear reasons.

Online censorship intensified as the country prepared for the May 2015 general elections, with new blocks on dozens of social media pages, blogs, and diaspora-based opposition websites that were created to report on the general election.[37] A diaspora-operated website called AddisVoice, which published a series of critical articles about the educational qualifications of government officials, was a top target for blocking in 2014-2015.[38] International news outlets were also targeted. In June 2014, the Ethiopian authorities were accused of jamming the satellite operations of the BBC, Deutsche Welle, France 24, and the Voice of America, blocking a few of the stations’ websites as well.[39] Al Arabiya, a Saudi Arabia-based media outlet, and Al Jazeera’s Arabic and English websites were intermittently blocked throughout the coverage period.[40]

Blogs are also a prime target for blocking. In 2007, the government instituted a blanket block on the domain names of two popular blog-hosting websites, Blogspot and Nazret, though the authorities have since become more sophisticated in their censorship techniques, now blocking select pages such as the Zone9 independent blog hosted on Blogspot,[41]as opposed to the entire blogging platform. Nazret, however, remained completely blocked as of June 2015.

Facebook and Twitter platforms were otherwise generally accessible, although some individual Facebook groups belonging to opposition individuals remained blocked altogether when accessed via the unencrypted (HTTP) URL pathway. However, the social media curation tool Storify—first blocked in July 2012[42]—remained blocked during the coverage period,[43] in addition to the URL shortening tool Bit.ly.[44]Circumvention tools are also blocked, including Tor—an online tool that enables users to browse anonymously—which has been blocked since May 2012.[45] According to an independent source, key terms such as “proxy” yield no search results on unencrypted search engines,[46] reflecting the government’s efforts to limit users’ access to circumvention tools and strategies.

Some restrictions are also placed on mobile phones, such as the requirement for a text message to obtain prior approval from EthioTelecom if it is to be sent to more than ten recipients.[47] A bulk text message sent without prior approval is automatically blocked, irrespective of the content of the message. 

There are no procedures for determining which websites are blocked or why, precluding any avenues for appeal. There are no published lists of blocked websites or publicly available criteria for how such decisions are made, and users are met with an error message when trying to access blocked content. This lack of transparency is exacerbated by the government’s continued denial of its censorship efforts. Meanwhile, the decision-making process does not appear to be controlled by a single entity, as various government bodies—including the Information Network Security Agency (INSA), EthioTelecom, and the ICT ministry—seem to be implementing their own lists, contributing to a phenomenon of inconsistent blocking. Government officials flatly deny the blocking of websites or jamming of international satellite operations while also stating that the government has a legal and a moral responsibility to protect the Ethiopian public from extremist content.

Content Removal

In addition to increasing blocks of online content, politically objectionable content is often targeted for removal, often by way of threats from security officials who personally seek out users and bloggers to instruct them to take down certain content, particularly critical content on Facebook. The growing practice suggests that at least some voices within Ethiopia’s small online community are being closely monitored. For instance, during the various legal proceedings of the Zone 9 bloggers throughout 2014-2015 (see “Prosecutions”), friends and reporters who posted pictures and stories of the trials on social media were briefly detained and asked to remove them.[48]

Media, Diversity, and Content Manipulation 

Lack of adequate funding is a significant challenge for independent online media in Ethiopia, as fear of government pressure dissuades local businesses from advertising with politically critical websites. A 2012 Advertising Proclamation also prohibits advertisements from firms “whose capital is shared by foreign nationals.”[49] Launching a website on the local .et domain is expensive and onerous,[50] requiring a business license from the Ministry of Trade and Industry and a permit from an authorized body.[51]  While the domestic Ethiopian blogosphere has been expanding, most blogs are hosted on international platforms by diaspora community members.

Despite extremely low levels of internet access, the authorities employ progovernment commentators and trolls to manipulate the online news and information landscape. There was a noticeable increase in the number of progovernment commentators in the last few years, as confirmed in a June 2014 report by the Ethiopian Satellite Television Service (ESAT) that detailed the government’s efforts to recruit and train progovernment citizens to attack politically objectionable content online. According to the ESAT report, hundreds of bloggers reporting directly to government officials had been trained on how to post progovernment comments and criticize antigovernment articles on social media platforms.[52] 

Meanwhile, increasing repression against journalists and bloggers has had a major chilling effect on expression online, particularly following the arrest of the Zone 9 bloggers in April 2014 and their ongoing trials throughout 2014-2015 (see “Prosecutions”). Fear of pervasive surveillance has also led to widespread self-censorship, and many bloggers publish anonymously to avoid reprisals.[53] Local newspapers and web outlets receive their independent news and information from regime critics and opposition organizations in the diaspora, and few Ethiopian journalists work for either domestic print media or overseas online outlets due to the threat of repercussions.

Digital Activism

Despite very low internet penetration in the country, tech-savvy Ethiopians are increasingly using social media for campaigning and social activism. Digital activism was particularly pronounced and widespread following the arrest of six Zone 9 bloggers and three journalists for their alleged affiliation with the Zone 9 collective (see “Violations of User Rights”). Ethiopian bloggers and social media users flocked online to spread the #FreeZone9Bloggers hashtag in a campaign that quickly swept across the social media sphere and garnered widespread support from around the world throughout 2014-2015. In the first five days of the campaign, the #FreeZone9Bloggers hashtag was tweeted more than 8,000 times.[54] While the international campaign elicited no official response from the government, sustained digital activism throughout the year continually informed the international community of the Zone 9 case, pushing high level diplomats to condemn the Ethiopian government’s actions, which many believe helped lead to the release of two of the bloggers in July 2015.

Following the prominence of the Zone 9 blogger campaign, hashtag campaigns on social media have become one of the most popular methods of activism in Ethiopia, enabling citizens to demand for social change and justice on a variety of issues. Two hashtag campaigns in late 2014 were particularly active on Ethiopian social media. One campaign, #BecauseIamOromo, stemmed from the release of an Amnesty International report on repression and human rights violations in the Oromo region of Ethiopia,[55]  building momentum across a three-day Twitter campaign, which attracted a significant number of followers.[56]Another campaign, #Justice4Hanna, demanded justice for a 16 year old high school girl who was gang-raped and then later died from associated injuries in Addis Ababa in October 2014.[57]

Digital activism was also prominent in the lead-up to the May 2015 general elections, though calls for protest came mostly from the Ethiopian diaspora rather than from local activists who feared the government’s violent crackdowns against protest movements. State media stepped up its campaign against the press, in general, and the use of social media, in particular, claiming that foreign agents and terrorists were using social media to destabilize the country.    

Violations of User Rights: 

The limited space for online expression continued to deteriorate alongside an increasing crackdown on bloggers. The Zone 9 bloggers arrested in April 2014 were charged with terrorism in July 2014 and subsequently subjected to a series of sham trials through mid-2015. In July 2015, two of the imprisoned Zone 9 bloggers were unexpectedly released and acquitted of all charges, leaving four in prison alongside five other individuals who were arrested in July 2014 and charged with terrorism for their various ICT activities. Independent journalists in the diaspora were targeted with Hacking Team surveillance spyware.

Legal Environment

The 1995 Ethiopian constitution guarantees freedom of expression, freedom of the press, and access to information, while also prohibiting censorship.[58] These constitutional guarantees are affirmed in the 2008 Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation, known as the press law, which governs the print media.[59] Nevertheless, the press law also includes problematic provisions that contradict constitutional protections and restrict free expression, such as onerous registration processes for media outlets and high fines for defamation.[60] The Criminal Code also penalizes defamation with a fine or up to one year in prison.[61]

In 2012, the government introduced specific restrictions on an array of ICT activities under amendments to the 1996 Telecom Fraud Offences Law,[62] which had already placed bans on certain communication applications, such as Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP)[63] like Skype and Google Voice, call back services, and internet-based fax services.[64]Under the 2012 amendments, the penalties under the preexisting ban were toughened, increasing the fine and maximum prison sentence from five to eight years for service providers, and penalizing users with three months to two years in prison.[65] The law also added the requirement for all individuals to register their telecommunications equipment—including smartphones—with the government, which security officials typically enforce by confiscating ICT equipment when a registration permit cannot be furnished at security checkpoints, according to sources in the country.

Most alarmingly, the 2012 Telecom Fraud Offences Law extended the violations and penalties defined in the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and criminal code to electronic communications, which explicitly include both mobile phone and internet services.[66] The anti-terrorism legislation prescribes prison sentences of up to 20 years for the publication of statements that can be understood as a direct or indirect encouragement of terrorism, a vaguely defined term.[67]

According to a December 2014 news report by Ethiopian State Television, a draft Computer and Internet Crime Bill is currently in the works by the Information Network Security Agency (INSA). The news report featured remarks by the INSA director, who insisted that the draft cybercrime law aimed to strengthen the government’s powers to prevent, control, investigate, and prosecute cybercrimes, including on social media. Observers are concerned that the law will empower state agencies to monitor private social media activities without oversight.[68]

Prosecutions and Detention for Online Activities

Ethiopia is among the world’s top five jailers of journalists.[69] In 2014-2015, the authorities intensified their crackdown against bloggers and online journalists, using the country’s harsh laws to arrest and prosecute individuals for their online activities and silence dissent. Most alarmingly, six bloggers from the critical Zone 9 blogging collective and three journalists with alleged associations to Zone 9 were arrested in late April 2014. The arrests occurred just days following a Facebook post announcing the group’s plans to resume its activism after taking a seven-month hiatus due to “a considerable amount of surveillance and harassment” the bloggers had previously suffered at the hands of security agents for their writings and social media activism.[70]

Initially held for three months without charges, the bloggers were charged in July 2014 with terrorism under the harsh Anti-Terrorism Proclamation for conspiring with the banned opposition group Ginbot 7, which the government classifies as a terrorist group.[71] The bloggers were further accused of encrypting their communications to disseminate seditious writings with the intent of overthrowing the government, the latter of which is an offense under the criminal code.[72] The government reportedly submitted 30 pages of phone and surveillance records spanning a period of three years as evidence of the terrorism charges,[73]alongside email communications and digital security handbooks.[74]

Despite widespread international condemnation of the Zone 9 arrests, the detainees were denied bail and brought to court dozens of times without any progress to their case for more than a year.[75] They remained in jail throughout the first half of 2015 until early July, when two of the bloggers and three associated journalists were unexpectedly released without charges. The four remaining Zone 9 bloggers were acquitted in October.[76] During the trials between June and November 2014, at least three other individuals were arrested temporarily for posting updates and pictures of their trials on social media via mobile devices.

Several other critical bloggers and online activists were arrested in July 2014, including Abraha Desta and Zelalem Workagegnehu, both academics and bloggers who were held without charges for four months until October 2014 when they were charged for their alleged support of the opposition group Ginbot 7.[77] They were also charged with using social media to contact members of Ginbot 7.[78] Widely known for his Facebook posts criticizing the ruling party, Abraha Desta was reportedly beaten brutally before being taken to an unidentified prison.[79] Three other individuals—Yonatan Wolde, Abraham Solomon, and Bahiru Degu—were also arrested around the same time for allegedly applying for an internet security and social media training abroad.[80] At a court hearing in August 2015, the defendants’ cases were delayed until November.[81]

Meanwhile, the well-known dissident journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega is still carrying out an 18-year prison sentence handed down in July 2012 under the anti-terrorism law.[82]

Surveillance and Anonymity

Government surveillance of online and mobile phone communications is pervasive in Ethiopia, and evidence has emerged in recent years that reveal the scale of such practices. According to 2014 Human Rights Watch research, there are strong indications that the government has deployed a centralized monitoring system from the Chinese telecommunications firm ZTE, known as ZXMT, to monitor phone lines and various types of communications, including mobile phone networks and the internet.[83]Known for its use by repressive regimes in Libya and Iran, ZXMT enables deep packet inspection (DPI) of internet traffic across the EthioTelecom network and has the ability to intercept emails and web chats.

Another ZTE technology, known as ZSmart, is a customer management database installed at EthioTelecom that provides the government with full access to user information and the ability to intercept SMS text messages and record phone conversations.[84] ZSmart also allows security officials to locate targeted individuals through real-time geolocation tracking of mobile phones.[85] While the extent to which the government has made use of the full range of ZTE’s sophisticated surveillance systems is unclear, the authorities frequently present intercepted emails and phone calls as evidence during trials against journalists and bloggers or during interrogations as a scare tactic.[86]

There has been an increasing trend of exiled dissidents targeted with surveillance malware in the past few years (see “Technical Attacks”). Recent Citizen Lab research published in March 2015 uncovered the use of Remote Control System (RCS) spyware against two employees of the diaspora-run independent satellite television, radio, and online news media outlet, Ethiopian Satellite Television Service (ESAT), based in Alexandria, Virginia, in November and December 2014.[87] Made by the Italian company Hacking Team, RCS spyware is advertised as “offensive technology” sold exclusively to law enforcement and intelligence agencies around the world, and has the ability to steal files and passwords, as well as to intercept Skype calls and chats. [88]

While Hacking Team claims that they do not deal with “repressive regimes,”[89] the social engineering tactics used to bait the two ESAT employees made it clear that the attack was targeted. Moreover, analysis of the RCS attacks uncovered credible links to the Ethiopian government, with the spyware’s servers registered at an EthioTelecom address under the name “INSA-PC,” referring to the Information Network Security Agency (INSA), the body established in 2011 to preside over the security of the country’s critical communications infrastructure.[90] INSA was already known to be using the commercial toolkit FinFisher—a device that can secretly monitor computers by turning on webcams, record everything a user types with a key logger, and intercept Skype calls—to target dissidents and supposed national security threats.[91]

Given the high degree of online repression in Ethiopia, political commentators use proxy servers and anonymizing tools to hide their identities when publishing online and to circumvent filtering, though the ability to communicate anonymously has become more difficult. The Tor Network anonymizing tool has been blocked since May 2012.

Anonymity is further compromised by strict SIM card registration requirements. Upon purchase of a SIM card through EthioTelecom or an authorized reseller, individuals must provide their full name, address, government-issued identification number, and a passport-sized photograph. EthioTelecom’s database of SIM registrants enables the government to cut-off the SIM cards belonging to targeted individuals and to restrict those individuals from registering for new SIM cards. Internet subscribers are also required to register their personal details, including their home address, with the government. In 2013, an inside informant leaked worrying details of potential draft legislation that seeks to mandate real-name registration for all internet users in Ethiopia, though there are no further details of this development as of mid-2015.[92]

While the government’s stronghold over the Ethiopian ICT sector enables it to proactively monitor users, its access to user activity and information is less direct at cybercafes. For a period following the 2005 elections, cybercafe owners were required to keep a register of their clients, but the requirement has not been enforced since mid-2010.[93]Nevertheless, some cybercafe operators revealed that they are required to report any “unusual behavior” to security officials, and officials often visit cybercafes (sometimes in plainclothes) to ask questions about specific users or to monitor user activity themselves.[94]

Intimidation and Violence

Government security agents frequently harass and intimidate bloggers, online journalists, and ordinary users for their online activities. Independent bloggers are often summoned by the authorities to be warned against discussing certain topics online, while activists claim that they are consistently threatened by state security agents for their online activism.[95] Prior to their imprisonment in April 2014, the Zone 9 bloggers reported suffering a considerable amount of harassment for their work, leading them to go silent for several months. Shortly after the bloggers announced a resumption of activities on Facebook in April 2014, six Zone 9 bloggers were arrested and sent to a federal detention center in Addis Ababa where they were reportedly mistreated and tortured to give false confessions throughout the year.[96] The active Gmail accounts belonging to several of the Zone 9 bloggers while in detention suggests that they may have been forced give their passwords to security officials against their will.[97]

Ethiopian journalists in the diaspora have also been targeted for harassment, according to one reporter of the diaspora-based website ECADF, who received death threats from an alleged government spy in Netherlands for his reporting.[98]

Technical Attacks

Opposition critics and independent voices face frequent technical attacks, even when based abroad. In recent years, independent research has found evidence that the Ethiopian authorities use sophisticated surveillance malware and spyware, such as FinFisher’s FinSpy and Hacking Team’s Remote Control Servers (RCS), to target exiled dissidents. The most recent attack was recorded in December 2014 by researchers at Citizen Lab, who discovered RCS spyware in attached documents sent in emails to journalists with the Ethiopian Satellite Television Service (ESAT), an independent TV, radio, and online news outlet run by members of the Ethiopian diaspora in Virginia.[99] Having been targeted with the RCS spyware before,[100] the journalists did not download the attachments that would have installed the spyware and enabled the attackers to access files on the infected computers. The journalists believe the attack was an effort by the authorities to ascertain ESAT’s sources within Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, a technical attack in late 2012 and early 2013 on an exiled dissident (and American citizen) is currently the basis of an ongoing legal case at a U.S. District Court filed by the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF).[101] In April 2013, EFF sued the Ethiopian government in a U.S. court on behalf of the anonymous Ethiopian dissident for implanting malicious FinSpy malware on the individual’s computer. Linked to a server belonging to EthioTelecom, FinSpy had secretly recorded dozens of Skype calls, copied emails the individual had sent, and logged a web search conducted by his son on the history of sports medicine for a school research project.[102]  

Notes:

[1] Rebecca Wanjiku, “Study: Ethiopia only sub-Saharan Africa nation to filter net,” IDG News Service,  October 8, 2009, http://bit.ly/1Lbi3s9.

[2] Tom Jackson, “Telecoms slow down development of Ethiopian tech scene – iceaddis,” humaniporepublished on Ethioconstruction,  October 22, 2013, http://bit.ly/1ZlzWhw.  

[3] International Telecommunication Union, “Percentage of Individuals Using the Internet, 2000-2014,” http://bit.ly/1cblxxY.

[4] International Telecommunication Union, “Fixed (Wired)-Broadband Subscriptions, 2000-2014,”http://bit.ly/1cblxxY.

[5] International Telecommunication Union, “Mobile-Cellular Telephone Subscriptions, 2000-2014,”http://bit.ly/1cblxxY.

[6] International Telecommunication Union, “Key ICT data, 2000-2015,” http://bit.ly/1cblxxY.

[7] International Telecommunication Union, “Ethiopia Profile (Latest data available: 2013),” ICT-Eye, accessed August 1, 2014, http://bit.ly/1NEnLHk.

[8] Aaron Maasho, “Ethiopia launches 4G mobile service in the capital,” ed. Mark Potter, Reuters,March 21, 2015, http://reut.rs/1FP0Pky. 

[9] “A short report about Ethio-Telecom recent launch of 4G network in Addis Ababa,” EthioTube video, 8:44, April 3, 2015, http://bit.ly/1Ryeb90.

[10] World Bank, “Ethiopia Overview,” last updated April 05, 2015,http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/ethiopia/overview.

[11] Ethiopia – Telecoms, Mobile, Broadband and Forecasts, Paul Budde Communication Pty Ltd.:June 2014, http://bit.ly/1ji15Rn.

[12] International Telecommunication Union, “Ethiopia Profile (Latest data available: 2013).”

[13] According to tests by Freedom House consultant in 2015.

[14] Akamai, “Average Connection Speed: Ethiopia,” map visualization, The State of the Internet, Q4 (2014), http://akamai.me/1OqvpoS.

[15] Aaron Maasho, “Ethiopia signs $700 mln mobile network deal with China’s Huawei,” Reuters, July 25, 2013, http://reut.rs/1OpDgVj.

[16] Endalk Chala, “When blogging is held hostage of Ethiopia’s telecom policy,” in “GV Advocacy Awards Essays on Internet Censorship from Iran, Venezuela, Ethiopia,” Global Voices, February 3, 2015,http://bit.ly/1OpDvzz.

[17] Jim Cowie, “Syria, Venezuela, Ukraine: Internet Under Fire,” Renesys (blog), February 26, 2014, http://bit.ly/1R2z0IT.

[18] Freedom House interviews.

[19] Conducted by Freedom House consultant, March 2015.

[20] Al Shiferaw, “Connecting Telecentres: An Ethiopian Perspective,” Telecentre Magazine, September 2008, http://bit.ly/1ji348h.

[21] “Ethio Telecom to remain monopoly for now,” TeleGeography, June 28, 2013, http://bit.ly/1huyjf7.

[22] Paul Chapman, “New report explores the Ethiopian – telecoms, mobile and broadband – market insights, statistics and forecasts,” WhatTech, May 1, 2015, http://bit.ly/1L46Awu.

[23] “Out of reach,” The Economist, August 24, 2013, http://econ.st/1l1UvJO.

[24] “Out of reach,” The Economist.

[25] Matthew Dalton, “Telecom Deal by China’s ZTE, Huawei in Ethiopia Faces Criticism,” The Wall Street Journal, January 6, 2014, http://on.wsj.com/1LtSCkD.

[26] Based on allegations that the Chinese authorities have provided the Ethiopian government with technology that can be used for political repression—such as surveillance cameras and satellite jamming equipment—in the past. See: Addis Neger, “Ethiopia: China Involved in ESAT Jamming,” ECADAF Ethiopian news & Opinion, June 23, 2010, http://bit.ly/1LtSYI9; Gary Sands, “Ethiopia’s Broadband Network – A Chinese Trojan Horse?” Foreign Policy Blogs, Foreign Policy Association,  September 6, 2013, http://bit.ly/1FWG8X1.

[27] ENA, “Ericsson to take part in telecom expansion in Ethiopia,” Dire Tube, December 18, 2014, http://bit.ly/1PkZfvA.

[28] The Embassy of the United Stated, “Doing Business in Ethiopia,” http://1.usa.gov/1LtTExh.

[29]  World Intellectual Property Organization, “Ethiopia Custom Regulation: No 622/2009,”http://bit.ly/1NveoeB.

[30] Mignote Kassa, “Why Ethiopia’s Software Industry Falters,” Addis Fortune 14, no. 700 (September 29, 2013), http://bit.ly/1VJiIWC.

[31] “Proclamation No. 281/2002, Telecommunications (Amendment Proclamation,” Federal Negarit Gazeta No. 28, July 2, 2002, http://bit.ly/1snLgsc.

[32] Ethiopian Telecommunication Agency, “License Directive for Resale and Telecenter in Telecommunication Services No. 1/2002,” November 8, 2002, accessed October 20, 2014,http://bit.ly/1pUtpWh.

[33] Dr. Lishan Adam, “Understanding what is happening in ICT in Ethiopia,” (policy paper, Research ICT Africa, 2012) http://bit.ly/1LDPyJ5.

[34]  Halefom Abraha, “THE STATE OF CYBERCRIME GOVERNANCE IN ETHIOPIA,” (paper)http://bit.ly/1huzP0S.  

[35] Daniel Berhane, “Ethiopia’s web filtering: advanced technology, hypocritical criticisms, bleeding constitution,” Horns Affairs, January 16, 2011, http://bit.ly/1jTyrH1 .

[36] Test conducted by an anonymous researcher contracted by Freedom House, March 2015. During the test, some websites opened at the first attempt but were inaccessible when refreshed.

[37] Interview with the producer of a website called  Mircha.org, http://mircha.org/category/english/ .

[38] Abebe Gelaw, “Exposed: Prof. Constantinos Berhe has two fake degrees,” Addis Voice, January 18, 2015,  http://bit.ly/1zrOETe.

[39] “BBC condemns Ethiopian broadcast jamming,” BBC, May 30, 2014,  http://bbc.in/1oCH8VO.

[40] “Ethiopia ‘blocks’ Al Jazeera aebsites,” Al Jazeera, March 18, 2013, http://aje.me/1144wNh.

[41] Zone9, blog post, October 8, 2015, http://zone9ethio.blogspot.com/. 

[42] Mohammed Ademo, Twitter post, July 25, 2012, 1:08 p.m.,https://twitter.com/OPride/status/228159700489879552.

[43] Mohammed Ademo, “Media Restrictions Tighten in Ethiopia,” Columbia Journalism Review, August 13, 2012, http://bit.ly/1Lm2npk.

[44] Ory Okolloh Mwangi, Twitter post, November 6, 2013, 9:20 a.m.,https://twitter.com/kenyanpundit/status/398077421926514688.

[45] “Ethiopia Introduces Deep Packet Inspection,” Tor (blog), May 31, 2012, http://bit.ly/1A0YRdc; Warwick Ashford, “Ethiopian government blocks Tor network online anonymity,” Computer Weekly, June 28, 2012, http://bit.ly/1LDQ5L2.

[46] A 2014 report from Human Rights Watch also noted that the term “aljazeera” was unsearchable on Google while the news site was blocked from August 2012 to mid-March 2013. According to HRW research, the keywords “OLF” and “ONLF” (acronyms of Ethiopian opposition groups) are not searchable on the unencrypted version of Google (http://) and other popular search engines. Human Rights Watch, “They Know Everything We Do,” March 25, 2014, 56, 58, http://bit.ly/1Nviu6r.

[47] Interview with individuals working in the telecom sector, as well as a test conducted by a Freedom House consultant who found it was not possible for an ordinary user to send out a bulk text message.

[48] Reporters prevented from reporting on the trial of Zone9 Bloggers: Trial Tracker Blog,http://trialtrackerblog.org/home/ .

[49] Exemptions are made for foreign nationals of Ethiopian origin. See, Abrham Yohannes, “Advertisement Proclamation No. 759/2012,” Ethiopian Legal Brief (blog), September 27, 2012, http://bit.ly/1LDQf5c.

[50] “Proclamation No. 686/2010 Commercial Registration and Business Licensing,” Federal Negarit Gazeta,  July 24, 2010, http://bit.ly/1P3PoLy;  World Bank Group, Doing Business 2015: Going Beyond Efficiency, Economy Profile 2015, Ethiopia, 2014, http://bit.ly/1L49tO6. 

[51] Chala, “When blogging is held hostage of Ethiopia’s telecom policy.”

[52] “Ethiopia Trains Bloggers to attack its opposition,” ECADF Ethiopian News & Opinions, June 7, 2014, http://bit.ly/1QemZjl.

[53] Markos Lemma, “Disconnected Ethiopian Netizens,” Digital Development Debates(blog),November 2012,  http://bit.ly/1Ml9Nu3.

[54] “#BBCtrending: Jailed bloggers spark Ethiopia trend,” BBC Trending, April 30, 2014,http://bbc.in/1kpaTDX.

[55] Mahlét Solomon, “Because I am Oromo,” Facebook page for campaign, November 15, 2014,   http://on.fb.me/1VJOKag.

[56] Amnesty International, Ethiopia: Because I am Oromo’: Sweeping repression in the Oromia region of Ethiopia, October 28, 2014, http://bit.ly/1QenAS6.

[57] Melody Sundberg, “A 16-Year-Old's Death Is Forcing Ethiopia to Confront Its Sexual Violence Problem,” Global Voices, January 16, 2015, http://bit.ly/1OqziKr. 

[58] Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1995), art. 26 and 29, accessed, August 24, 2010, http://www.ethiopar.net/constitution.

[59] Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation No. 590/2008, Federal Negarit Gazeta No. 64, December 4, 2008.

[60] Article 19, The Legal Framework for Freedom of Expression in Ethiopia, accessed September 10, 2014,  http://bit.ly/1Pl0f33.

[61] Criminal Code, art. 613, http://bit.ly/1OpHE6F.

[62] “A Proclamation on Telecom Fraud Offence,” Federal Negarit Gazeta No. 61, September 4, 2012, http://www.abyssinialaw.com/uploads/761.pdf.

[63] The government first instituted the ban on VoIP in 2002 after it gained popularity as a less expensive means of communication and began draining revenue from the traditional telephone business belonging to the state-owned Ethio Telecom. In response to widespread criticisms, the government claimed that VoIP applications such as Skype would not be considered under the new law, though the proclamation’s language still enables the authorities to interpret it broadly at whim.

[64]“Telecommunication Proclamation No. 281/2002, Article 2(11) and 2(12),” Federal Negarit Gazeta  No. 28, July 2, 2002, accessed July 25, 2014, http://bit.ly/1jTCWkV. As an amendment to article 24 of the Proclamation, the Sub-Article (3) specifically states, “The use or provision of voice communication or fax services through the internet are prohibited” (page 1782). 

[65] A Proclamation on Telecom Fraud Offence.

[66] Article 19, “Ethiopia: Proclamation on Telecom Fraud Offences,”legal analysis, August 6, 2012,http://bit.ly/1Lbonjm.

[67] “Anti-Terrorism Proclamation No. 652/2009,” Federal Negarit Gazeta No. 57, August 28, 2009.

[68]  “EBS Special- The social media boom in Ethiopia,” Diretube video, 31:01, February 2015,  http://bit.ly/1Mlc0FD.

[69] Committee to Protect Journalists,“2014 prison census: 221 journalists jailed worldwide,” December 1, 2014, https://cpj.org/imprisoned/2014.php.

[70] “Six members of Zone Nine, group of bloggers and activists are arrested,” [in Amharic] Zone9(blog), April 25, 2014, http://bit.ly/1VJn6ow.

[71]“Federal High Court Lideta Criminal Bench court, Addis Ababa,” http://1drv.ms/1OqAjlC.

[72] Endalk Chala, “What You Need to Know About Ethiopia v. Zone9 Bloggers: Verdict Expected July 20,” Global Voices Advocacy, July 17, 2015, http://bit.ly/1jTDO9b.

[73] Jared Goyette, “For this group of Ethiopian journalists, the Hacking Team revelations are personal,” Public Radio International,  July 8, 2015, http://bit.ly/1UN64ID.

[74] “Federal High Court Lideta Criminal Bench court, Addis Ababa.”

[75] Ellery Roberts Biddle, Endalk Chala, Guardian Africa network, “One year on, jailed Ethiopian bloggers are still awaiting trial,” The Guardian, April 24, 2015, http://gu.com/p/47ktv/stw; “Nine Journalists and Bloggers Still Held Arbitrarily,” Reporters Without Borders, “Nine Journalists and Bloggers Still Held Arbitrarily,” August 21, 2014, http://bit.ly/1P3TW4I.

[76] Committee to Protect Journalists, “In Ethiopia, Zone 9 bloggers acquitted of terrorism charges,” news statement, October 16, 2015, https://www.cpj.org/2015/10/in-ethiopia-zone-9-bloggers-acquitted-of-terrorism.php.

[77] “Defendants in Zelalem Workagegnehu et al Case Reappointed to December 25th,” De Birhan(blog), December 18, 2014, http://bit.ly/1Pl0Ph6.

[78] “Ethiopia Charges 10 of Links with Ginbot 7 Movement Today,”  De Birhan (blog), October 31, 2014, http://bit.ly/1ZlQJRB.

[79] “Ethiopia arrests for young, prominent opposition figures,” Ethiomedia, July 8, 2014,http://bit.ly/1MldQGC.

[80] Tedla D. Tekle, “The Journalism and Scholarship of Attachment – Ethiopia, Africa,” Transcend Media Service, May 25, 2015, http://bit.ly/1ZlR46L.

[81]“Court Day of Our Co-Blogger Celalem Workagegnehu et al,” De Birhan (blog), March 19, 2015,http://bit.ly/1Pl0Vp9; Addis Standard, Facebook post, August 20, 2015, http://on.fb.me/1JXGSWz.

[82] Such trumped-up charges were based on an online column Nega had published criticizing the government’s use of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to silence political dissent and calling for greater political freedom in Ethiopia. Nega is also the 2011 recipient of the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award.“That Bravest and Most Admirable of Writers: PEN Salutes Eskinder Nega,” PEN American Center (blog), April 13, 2012, http://bit.ly/1Lm89Y7; See also, Markos Lemma, “Ethiopia: Online Reactions to Prison Sentence for Dissident Blogger,” Global Voices, July 15, 2012, http://bit.ly/1OpKaKf; Endalk Chala, “Ethiopia: Freedom of Expression in Jeopardy,” Global Voices Advocacy, February 3, 2012,http://bit.ly/1jfIEO3.

[83] Human Rights Watch, “They Know Everything We Do,” 62.  

[84] Human Rights Watch, “They Know Everything We Do,” 67.

[85] Ibid, 52.

[86]  Committee to Protect Journalists, “Ethiopian Blogger, Journalists Convicted of Terrorism,” January 19, 2012, http://cpj.org/x/47b9.

[87] Bill Marczak et al., Hacking Team Reloaded? US-Based Ethiopian Journalists Again Targeted with Spyware, Citizen Lab, March 9, 2015, http://bit.ly/1Ryogmr.

[88] Hacking Team,“Customer Policy,” accessed February 13, 2014, http://hackingteam.it/index.php/customer-policy. 

[89]  Declan McCullagh, “Meet the ‘Corporate Enemies of the Internet’ for 2013,” CNET, March 11, 2013, accessed February 13, 2014, http://cnet.co/1fo6jJZ.  

[90] Marczak et al., Hacking Team Reloaded? US-Based Ethiopian Journalists Again Targeted with Spyware.

[91] Fahmida Y. Rashid, “FinFisher ‘Lawful Interception’ Spyware Found in Ten Countries, Including the U.S.,” Security Week, August 8, 2012, http://bit.ly/1WRPuap.

[92] Interview conducted by Freedom House consultant.

[93] Groum Abate, “Internet Cafes Start Registering Users,” The Capital republished Nazret (blog), December 27, 2006, http://bit.ly/1Lm98aX.

[94] Human Rights Watch, “They Know Everything We Do,” 67.

[95]   SIMEGNISH (LILY) MENGESHA, “CRAWLING TO DEATH OF EXPRESSION – RESTRICTED ONLINE MEDIA IN ETHIOPIA,” Center for International Media Assistance (blog), April 8, 2015,http://bit.ly/1IbxFie.  

[96] Trial Tracker Blog, “Trials.”  

[97] Anonymous Freedom House researcher reported seeing several of the detained Zone9 bloggers actively online in Gmail chat.

[98] “ክንፉ አሰፋ  በስለላ ከሆላንድ የተባረረው የጋዜጠኛውን አንገት እቆርጣለሁ አለ,”  ECADAF Ethiopian News & Opinion,  April 12, 2015,  http://ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/14790/ .

[99] Marczak et al., Hacking Team Reloaded? US-Based Ethiopian Journalists Again Targeted with Spyware.

[100] Bill Marczak, et al., Hacking Team and the Targeting of Ethiopian Journalists, Citizen Lab, February 12, 2014, http://bit.ly/1heE0Nm.

[101] Jenifer Fenton, “Ethiopia spying case casts spotlight on cyber surveillance in US,” Al Jazeera, July 13, 2015, http://alj.am/bhaq.

[102] Electronic Frontier Foundation,“Kidane v. Ethiopia,” last updated August 28, 2014,https://www.eff.org/cases/kidane-v-ethiopia.  

Source:https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2015/ethiopia