The Proclamation of special interest should address

By Betru Dibaba

In a country where federalism is opted,  a given legal policy matter  may be percieved by all states, or by group of  states or by one state. Accordingly, one can divide states' interest into three; universal, categorical, and special [particularistic] interest. Space will not allow a full flegde analysis of the first two types. I focus only  on special [particularistic] interest.

In special state interest, legislation  affects a single state only or same  legislation may have differential effects on states. It is percieved either by a single state or by different states in different ways. A single state percieves an interest vis-a-vis the federal government that it shares with no other state[s].

The concept of special interest entered the  Ethiopian legal regime in 1992, in Transitional peroid. A Proclamation enacted to establish fourtheen National Regional Self-governments,  proclamation number 7/1992, Article 3(4) reads:

The special interests and political rights of the Oromo over Region Thirteen [Harari] and Region Fourtheen [Addis Ababa] are reserved. These Regions shall be accountable to the Central Transitional Government and  the relations of these Self-governments with the Central Transitional Government shall be prescribed in detail by special law.

Article 49(5) of the FDRE Constitution articulates:

The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding provision of social services or utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.

Pursuant to the second proviso of the same Article,  the coming [law] proclamation should address the followings:

⃣. Provision of social services፡

Access to housing, education, health, water, transport, other matters needed for achieving adequate living standards constitute social services.

⃣. Utilization of natural resources፡

Water, forest, mineras, stones, and everything else natural are natural resources. However, one may note that there is hardly any natural resources that the City offers to Oromia. The City itself is dependent on the natural resources of Oromia, out of the City.

⃣. Joint administrative matters፡

Administration is a practical management and direction of the executive department and its agencies. In effect, it involves and starts from  representation in the Council and Administration of the City. The word 'joint' is important as it impresses fifty fifty per adminstration.

⃣. Other similar matters፡

The phrase, 'other similar matters' have no objectivity. Two lines of interpretations can be accorded.
The narrow line of interpretation argues other similar matters is meant to show matters  that are immediate to those expressly mentioned. Accordingly, it includes land administration, free access to infrastructures, buildings, halls, industry, naming of the City and sub cities, security matters, participation on policy matters concerning matters affecting interests, and the like.
The second line of argument is broad. It includes automatic representation without election or permanent allocation of a percentage of seats of Addis Ababa City Council, addition of Afaan Oromo as working language of the City, levy and collect revenues and taxes, and the like.

⃣.  Addis Ababa as part of Oromia vs independent City:

During the Transitional Period, as established by 'proclamation' {not proclamation in strict sense} number 1/1991, Addis Ababa was a City State, proclamation number 7/1992, Article 3(1). This proclamation is repealed by the Federal Constitution, proclamation number 1/1995, by which Addis Ababa is omitted to be City State, by default of Article 47(1).

The Constitution spells out that Residents of Addis Ababa have full measure of self government, and shall be represented in the House of Peoples' Representative, Article 49(2 and 4). These two Sub-articles give an impression that Addis Ababa is an independent City. It is by the same impression the Charters of the City are proclaimed, establishing the City as independent Chartered City Administration,   proclamations number 87/1997 and 361/2003.  

Further, Article 49(3) of the Constitution renders the Administration of the City responsible to the Federal Government. The Federal Government, hence, has interest over the City in this regard.

The same Constitution emphasizes the location of Addis Ababa is [with] in  Oromia. In line with this scenario, Article 2(1) of the Revised Constitution of Oromia, proclamation number 46/2001,  defines Oromia as an '... uninterrupted territory...' The quoted phrase is intended to convey Oromia as landmass, the territory of which is connected from one point to the next without being interrupted. It, in effect, claims Addis Ababa as part and parcel of the State or City within the State.

The proclamation is expected to entertain and harmonize the status of the City as self government City while determining the special interest of Oromia as the location of the City is within the State.

⃣.   Intergovernmental relations:

Federalism inevitably implies intergovernmental relations.  Leave alone the existence of the interests of Federal Government and Oromia, which are two different governments in the Ethiopian Federation,  over Addis Ababa, the recognition of special interest of Oromia in the City Administration, joint administration in particular, necessitates the existence of intergovernmental relations.

The recognition of special interest of Oromia despite the City has full measure of self government and the responsibility of the City to the  Federal Government entails the tripartite interrelations, Article 49(2,3 and 5).

The proclamation should ascertain this trinity and establish a channeling institution among them.

⃣.  Spillover effects:

Spill over effects are externalities those are not directly evolved in something. In one way or another, the recognition of special interest is a due acknowledgement of the existence of [negative] spill over effect.

Among different studies, a study conducted by Action Professionals Association for the People, aka APAP, indicated downstream users of rivers flowing out of Addis Ababa face health problems, environmental pollution and other  human suffering due to the pollution by liquid and solid products of industries and garbages of dwellers of the City, APAP, press release, 20/12/2005. Hence, it seems, the Constitution is trying to disseminate  the message that the spillover effect can only be redressed if and only if the special interest is recognized.

The proclamation, while determining the special interest, should address the scheme of redressing the spillover effects in particular.

The Constitution is general in general and Article 49(5) is general in particular. As the Constitution has these things to accomplish, the determining proclamation should address the same in detail.   Failing in short of these, the proclamation does not fully and duly serve the purpose of the Constitution.

Source: https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1445180082214568&id=100001677709492

The report included details of extrajudicial killings, torture, and imprisonment committed in three regional states and the capital Addis Abeba

Liyat Fekade

Addis Abeba, June 09/2017 – Human Rights Council (HRCO) Ethiopia, a non-profit, non-governmental organization, has released 49 pages of report detailing widespread human right abuses committed by the security under the current State of Emergency, first declared on Oct. 08, 2016, and extended by four more months in March 2017.

In the report, which was originally published on May 29th, but was largely unseen due to the week-long nationwide internet blackout, HRCO documented details of abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and imprisonment committed in 18 Zones and 42 Woredas of three regional states: Oromia, Amhara and Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region (SNNPR) states as well as abuses committed in ten different Kifle Ketemas (administrative unites) in the capital Addis Abeba.

The detailed accounts of the report covered the months between October 2016 and May 2017 – of which HRCO said it held field assessments between October 2016 and February 2017.  Accordingly, HRCO published names, background information as well the circumstances of extrajudicial killings of 19 people in various places. Fifteen of those were from the Oromia regional state, the epicenter of the year-long antigovernment protests, while three were from SNNPR and one was from the Amhara regional state. The account of the 19 killed included the Oct. 10, 2016 gruesome killing by security officials of Abdisa Jemal and two of his brothers,  Merhabu Jemal and Tolla Jemal, in east Arsi Zone, Shirka Woreda, Gobesa 01 Kebele, some 270km south east of the capital Addis Abeba.

HRCO also documented the detention of 8,778 individuals from Oromia regional state followed by 5, 769 people from SNNPR, 640 from Amhara, 411 from the capital Addis Abeba and one from the Afar regional state. A total of 6, 926 individuals were also detained from unspecified locations, bringing the total number of people detained in the wake of the state of emergency to 22, 525. It also criticized the inhuman conditions faced by detainees in many of the detention camps.

Out of the 22, 525 people, 13, 260 were detained in several facilities including military camps, colleges and city administration halls located in Oromia regional state, while 5, 764 of them were detained in Amhara regional state; 2, 355 were detained in Afar and 430 were detained in the capital Addis Abeba. This list includes list of names such as journalist Elias Gebru and opposition politician Daniel Shibeshi, who have recently been charged after months of detention. HRCO also said 110 people were held at unknown locations.

HRCO’s report came a little over one month after the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, (EHRC), a government body tasked to investigate recent anti-government protests that rocked Ethiopia, admitted in April that a total of 669 Ethiopians were killed during the 2016 widespread anti-government protests. EHRC’s report, however, has not been released to the wider public, yet.

According to the government’s own account more than 26 thousand Ethiopians were detained in various places including military camps. This number is including those who were detained prior to the state of emergency. More than 20 thousand have since been released but about 5,000 are currently facing trials in various places.

Owing to Ethiopia’s outright refusal to accept outside independent investigation, including from the UN Human Rights Commission, ERCO’s report stands as the only independent investigation into widespread state violence in Ethiopia. AS   

Source:Addis Standard

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Ethiopia extends emergency as old antagonisms fester

The Ethiopian government has extended a nationwide state of emergency for four months, hailing it as successful in restoring stability after almost a year of popular protests and crackdowns that cost hundreds of lives.

But while parts of Amhara, one of the hotbeds of the recent unrest, may be calm on the surface, IRIN found that major grievances remain unaddressed and discontent appears to be festering: There are even widespread reports that farmers in the northern region are engaged in a new, armed rebellion.

Human rights organisations and others have voiced concern at months of draconian government measures – some 20,000 people have reportedly been detained under the state of emergency, which also led to curfews, bans on public assembly, and media and internet restrictions.

“The regime has imprisoned, tortured and abused 20,000-plus young people and killed hundreds more in order to restore a semblance of order,” said Alemante Selassie, emeritus law professor at the College of William & Mary in the US state of Virginia. “Repression is the least effective means of creating real order in any society where there is a fundamental breach of trust between people and their rulers.”

The government line is far rosier.

“There’s been no negative effects,” Zadig Abrha, Ethiopia’s state minister for government communication affairs, told IRIN shortly before the measures were extended by four months, on 30 March.

“The state of emergency enabled us to focus on repairing the economic situation, compensating investors, and further democratising the nation… [and] allowed us to normalise the situation to how it was before, by enabling us to better coordinate security and increase its effectiveness.”

Clamping down

On 7 August 2016, in the wake of protests in the neighbouring Oromia region, tens of thousands of people gathered in the centre of Bahir Dar, the capital of Amhara. They had come to vent their anger at perceived marginalisation and the annexation of part of their territory by Tigray – the region from which the dominant force in Ethiopia’s ruling coalition is drawn.

Accounts vary as to what prompted security forces to open fire on the demonstration – some say a protestor tried to replace a federal flag outside a government building with its now-banned precursor – but by the end of the day, 27 people were dead.

That toll climbed to 52 by the end of the week. In all, some 227 civilians died during weeks of unrest in the Amhara region, according to the government. Others claim the real figure is much higher.

A six-month state of emergency was declared nationally on 9 October. Military personnel, under the coordination of a new entity known as the “Command Post”, flooded into cities across the country.

“Someone will come and say they are with the Command Post and just tell you to go with them – you have no option but to obey,” explained Dawit, who works in the tourism industry in the Amhara city of Gondar. “No one has any insurance of life.”

James Jeffrey/IRIN

Local people told IRIN that the Command Post also took control of the city’s courts and did away with due process. Everyday life ground to a halt as traders closed shops and businesses in a gesture of passive resistance.

In Bahir Dar and Gondar, both popular historical stop-offs, tourism, an economic mainstay, tanked.

“In 2015, Ethiopia was voted by the likes of The New York Times and National Geographic as one of the best destinations,” said Stefanos, another Gondar resident who works in the tourism sector. “Then this happened and everything collapsed.”

Lingering resentment

Before it was renewed, the state of emergency was modified, officially reinstating the requirement of search warrants and doing away with detention without trial.

Prominent blogger and Ethiopian political analyst Daniel Berhane said the state of emergency extension might maintain calm in Amhara.

It “isn’t just about security,” he said. “There is a political package with it: Since two weeks ago, the government has been conducting meetings across the region at grassroots levels to address people’s economic and administrative grievances, which are what most people are most concerned about.”

But bitterness remains.

“We have no sovereignty. The government took our land,” a bar owner in Gondar who gave his name only as Kidus explained. “That’s why we shouted Amharaneut Akbiru! Respect Amhara-ness!” during the protests, he added.

Others still feel marginalised and are angry at the government’s heavy-handed response.

“If you kill your own people, how are you a soldier? You are a terrorist,” 32-year old Tesfaye, who recently left the Ethiopian army after seven years, a large scar marking his left cheek, told IRIN in Bahir Dar. “I became a soldier to protect my people. This government has forgotten me since I left. I’ve been trying to get a job for five months.”

A tour guide in Gondar, speaking on condition of anonymity, was also critical of the response: “The government has a chance for peace, but they don’t have the mental skills to achieve it. If protests happen again, they will be worse.”

However, some do believe the authorities have to take a tough line.

“This government has kept the country together. If they disappeared, we would be like Somalia,” said Joseph, who is half-Amharan, half-Tigrayan. “All the opposition does is protest, protest. They can’t do anything else.”

Mountain militias

Even as calm has been restored in some areas, a new form of serious opposition to the government has taken shape: Organised militia made up of local Amhara farmers have reportedly been conducting hit-and-run attacks on soldiers in the mountainous countryside.

“The topography around here is tough, but they’ve spent their lives on it and know it,” said Henok, a student nurse who took part in the protests. “They’re like snipers with their guns.”

James Jeffrey/IRIN

Outskirts of the city of Gondar, in the northern Ethiopian Amhara region

“The government controls the urban but not the rural areas,” he said. “[The farmers] are hiding in the landscape and forests. No one knows how many there are,” he said, adding that he’d seen “dozens of soldiers at Gondar’s hospital with bullet and knife wounds.”

Young Gondar men like Henok talk passionately of Colonel Demeke Zewudud, who led Amhara activism for the restoration of [the annexed] Wolkite district until his arrest in 2016, and about Gobe Malke, allegedly a leader of the farmers’ armed struggle until his death in February – reportedly at the hands of a cousin on the government’s payroll.

“The farmers are ready to die,” a priest in Gondar told IRIN on condition of anonymity, stressing that the land is very important to them. “They have never been away from here,” he explained.

Without referring specifically to any organisation of armed farmers, Zadig, the government minister, said the state of emergency had been extended because of “agitators” still at large.

“There are still people who took part in the violence that are not in custody, and agitators and masterminds of the violence who need to be brought before the rule of law,” he said. “And there are arms in circulation that need to be controlled, and some armed groups not apprehended.” 

Solutions?

Terrence Lyons, a professor at The School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University in the United States, said the government must decentralise power to achieve longer-term stability.

“Grievances haven’t been addressed by the state of emergency or by the government’s commitment to tackle corruption and boost service delivery,” Lyons told IRIN. “There needs to be a reconsideration of the relationship between an ethnic federation and a strong centralised developmental state, involving a process that is participatory and transparent – but we aren’t seeing that under the state of emergency.”

In 1995, Ethiopia adopted a federal system of government, which in theory devolves considerable power to the country’s regions. But in practice, key decisions are still taken in Addis Ababa.

“If the government wants a true and real form of stabilisation, then it should allow for a true representative form of governance so all people have the representation they need and deserve,” said Tewodros Tirfe of the Amhara Association of America.

In a report presented to a US congressional hearing in early March, Tewodros said some 500 members of the security forces had been killed in the recent clashes in the Amhara region. “Deeper resentment and anger at the government is driving young people to the armed struggle,” he told IRIN.

But Zadig and the government insisted: “The public stood by us.”

“They said no to escalating violence. In a country of more than 90 million, if they’d wanted more escalation we couldn’t have stopped them.”

Lyons warns of complacency.

“As long as dissidents and those speaking about alternatives for Ethiopia are dealt with as terrorists, the underlying grievances will remain: governance, participation, and human rights,” he told IRIN.

“The very strength of the [ruling] EPRDF is its weakness. As an ex-insurgency movement, its discipline and top-down governance enabled it to keep a difficult country together for 25 years. Now, the success of its own developmental state means Ethiopia is very different, but the EPRDF is not into consultative dialogue and discussing the merits of policy.”

Source:http://www.irinnews.org/analysis/2017/04/03/ethiopia-extends-emergency-old-antagonisms-fester

Oromo: Violent Oppression and Disregard for Human Rights Continue as State of Emergency Gets Prolonged

Photo courtesy of J. Pandolfo/Flickr

On 30 March 2017, the Ethiopian Parliament voted to extend the state of emergency it had first declared in October 2016. The decision made by the parliament – which is fully controlled by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic front (EPRDF) – paves the way for further state-sponsored oppression of the Oromo people as it empowers the Council of Ministers to “suspend such political and democratic rights guaranteed by the constitution.” The Tigray-dominated government abuses the state of emergency for political purposes, conveniently neglecting the fact that the suspension of political and democratic rights allowed under a state of emergency does not absolve the Ethiopian government from its human rights obligations.  Although Oromo protests have virtually disappeared as the region is now a de-facto military state, the Ethiopian government justifies the prolongation of the state of emergency with the alleged necessity to assure a “point of no return” for Oromo protests. This decision illustrates the Ethiopian government’s increasing disrespect for human rights and its abuse of political instruments to quench any form of dissent. 

Below is an article published by OPride:

The Ethiopian parliament on March 30, 2017 voted to extend by four months the state of emergency it declared in October 2016 to suppress the unprecedented Oromo protests that engulfed the country for a year and a half. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) controls every seat in the legislature after claiming 100 percent victory in the May 2015 elections.

Ethiopia adopted the emergency law under the pretext that ‘foreign elements’ are threatening the country’s peace and security. The draconian decree was drawing closer to its sixth month end, when on Thursday, Siraj Fegessa, Ethiopia’s Minister of Defense and Head of the Command Post – a body established to oversee the decree – told lawmakers, despite relative peace and security in the country, a prolongation is required to ensure that the repression of Oromo protests reaches “a point of no return.”

Even before the declaration of the martial law, Ethiopian security forces have summarily killed over 1,000 peaceful protesters and committed a range of serious human rights violations. By declaring the state of emergency, authorities sought to intensify the crackdown on Oromo uprising. One particular phrase in the constitution’s state of emergency clause ((Art 93(4)(b)) especially appealed to Ethiopia’s authoritarian government. It empowers the Council of Ministers to ‘suspend such political and democratic rights’ guaranteed under the constitution.

Not every disturbance warrants the declaration of an emergency decree. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Ethiopia ratified in 1993, stipulates that the “situation must amount to a public emergency which threatens the life of the nation” for member states to proclaim a state of emergency. The treaty emphasizes the paramount importance of human rights safeguards even during the exercise of such “temporary and exceptional” decree.

In other words, the power to ‘suspend political and democratic rights’ does not absolve Ethiopia from its human rights obligations. Yet since the declaration of the state of emergency, the already dismal human rights condition in Oromia took a turn for the worst. The emergency measures empowered the Command Post to conduct arbitrary arrests and searches without a warrant, impose curfews and suspend basic human rights guaranteed both under the 1993 treaty and the Ethiopian constitution.

In fact, the Constitution limits the scope of the Council of Ministers power to suspend rights guaranteed under the law in the same provision that confers such powers on it. Accordingly, the law stipulates that the suspension shall be ‘to the extent necessary to avert the conditions that required the declaration of the state of emergency.’ In addition, ICCPR states that measures taken during the state of emergency should be limited to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation.

The Ethiopian Constitution and other international instruments that Ethiopia ratified, particularly the ICCPR, provide for non-derogable rights that cannot be suspended even during a state of emergency. Notably, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights has no derogation clause obligating Ethiopia to uphold all the provisions of the Charter even during a state of emergency.

Ethiopia’s constitution explicitly states provisions dealing with the federal state structure and some basic individual and collective human rights as non-derogable rights. As such the government cannot derogate from individual rights against inhuman treatment or punishment, right to equality and nation, nationalities and people’s right to self-determination including the right to secession. The constitutional requirement to interpret the human rights chapter of the Ethiopian constitution in conformity with the ICCPR also makes the Right to Life a non-derogable right. In the absence of a derogation clause, the African Charter goes one step further and obligates Ethiopia to uphold all the rights guaranteed under the Charter.

In declaring a nationwide state of emergency, Ethiopian authorities tried to legitimize the extrajudicial killings and other heinous crimes committed through direct act or omission of its security forces most notably during the grand Oromo protests across Oromia, the Irreechaa massacre, the Qilinto prison fire and killings in Amhara region during protests against the incorporation of Wolkait region into the state of Tigray.

During the last five months, under the cover of the state of emergency, Ethiopia resorted to yet more repression and violent use of government power to crush peaceful Oromo dissent rather than addressing legitimate Oromo demands. Even by government’s own account, authorities detained  , hoarding detainees into overcrowded ‘rehabilitation camps’ under terrible conditions.

Ethiopian authorities have now arrested and charged most of the senior leadership of the sole legally registered Oromo political party, the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). Prominent advocates of nonviolent struggle, including Bekele Gerba, Dejene Tafa, and other defendants, were charged under the sweeping anti-terrorism proclamation for allegedly inciting the Oromo protests.

The chairman of OFC, Dr. Merera Gudina, was also arrested in December upon his return from testifying before the European Parliament in Brussels by the invitation by EU Parliamentarian, Ana Gomez. In a letter addressed to the Ethiopian Prime Minister, the President of European Parliament, Martin Schultz, raised concerns about Merera’s arrest noting that he took part ‘in meetings in the European Parliament’ which he said is “a House of Democracy where different voices can be heard from foreign governments and representatives of opposition groups.”

On February 23 [2017], prosecutors brought four counts of criminal charges against Merera, alleging that he violated the State of Emergency regulation, the country’s Penal Code and Anti-terrorism proclamation provisions. These politically motivated charges include an attempt to disrupt constitutional order by instigating Oromo protests, meeting individuals designated as ‘terrorists’ during his EU visit and giving interviews critical of the government to the Voice of America radio.

The state of emergency has been used together with the anti-terrorism law to intensify government crackdown on Oromo dissent. Since its adoption in 2009, the Anti-terrorism proclamation has been instrumentalized to clamp down on Oromo dissent. In 2011, the EPRDF controlled parliament proscribed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) as a terrorist organization. Since then, Ethiopia has heavily relied on vague and broad provisions of the terrorism law to criminalize what the government deems “encourages or provides moral support’ for the OLF.

Ethiopia uses various mechanisms to restrict and maintain its stranglehold on the free flow of information including censorship, intimidation and arrest of journalists and bloggers. The emergency regulation and a provision of the terrorism law bans reporting on Oromo protests and other events that the government says constitutes providing moral support for the OLF. This has made an already embattled Oromo media even more vulnerable. The chilling effect forced independent publishers, including the Addis Standard, which reported extensively on the Oromo protests, to suspend their print magazines.

Notwithstanding its obligations under the Constitution and international instruments it ratified, Ethiopia has been trampling over the non-derogable individual and collective rights of the Oromo. As stated in ICCPR General Comment 29, government measures with regard to rights from which these instruments permit derogation were not tailored to the exigencies of the situation for the duration, geographical coverage, and material scope.

On March 15 [2017], the Command Post had lifted some of the emergency restrictions, including arbitrary arrests and search without warrant, curfews, and bans on the media citing the relative calm in Oromia. Fegessa told reporters that “the situation for which the restrictions were imposed could now be treated on a regular law enforcement processes.”

Given the relative calm in Oromia today, the exigencies that authorities cited to declare the state of emergency do not justify its extension. Instead, Ethiopia has now put Oromia under a de facto military rule, leaving little room for nonviolent Oromo dissent. The sustained protests that drew international attention to the plight of the Oromo people shattering the make-believe ‘Ethiopia rising’ narrative were unprecedented but the Oromo quest for freedom and self-determination did not start in 2015. It’s been going on in the background during the entirety of EPRDF’s dictatorial reign, often withstanding persistent crackdown on nonviolent Oromo dissent.

Prior to his arrest, Merera warned that Ethiopia will descend into an armed conflict if EPRDF does not address the demand of the Oromo people. The state of emergency might enable the government to intensify repression in the short term but it certainly will not crush the Oromo dissent to “a point of no return.” On the contrary, continued official repression is hardening public grievances and making the Oromo people ever more skeptical of nonviolent resistance as a way to achieve their freedom.

Source:http://unpo.org/article/19994

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የኢህአዳግ መንግስት በየመድረኩ የሚናገረውን ሁሉ አምነው የሚቀበሉ፣ ችግሮቹን “በጥልቅ ተሃድሶ” ይፈታል የሚሉ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች አሉት። ነገር ግን፣ የኢትዮጲያን ፖለቲካ በቅርበት ለሚከታተል ሰው ኢህአዴግ የሚለውን ከማመን ይልቅ ቀጣይ ተግባሩን መገመት በጣም ይቀላል። ለቀጠይ አራት ወራት እንዲራዘም የተወሰነውን የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ እስኪ እንደ ማሳያ ወስደን በዝርዝር እንመልከት።

የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ የታወጀው መስከረም 28/2009 ዓ.ም ነው። ነገር ግን፣ ተግባራዊ የተደረገበት ዕለት መቼ ነው? አዋጁ እንዲራዘም የተወሰነው ዛሬ ነው። ነገር ግን፣ አዋጁ እንደሚራዘም እርግጥ የሆነው መቼ ነው? ለእነዚህ ጥያቄዎች ትክክለኛ ምላሽ ለመስጠት የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ በተግባር የታወጀበትን ዕለትና ምክንያት፣ እንዲሁም ካለፈው አመት ጀምሮ የታየውን የሕዝብ የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እና የኢህአዴግ መንግስትን እንቅስቃሴን በጥሞና ማጤን ያስፈልጋል።

የመከላከያ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ ሲራጅ ፈጌሳ ከ15 ቀናት በፊት የሰጡትን መግለጫ እንደ መነሻ መውሰድ ይቻላል። በሚኒስትሩ መግለጫ መስከረም 28/2009 ዓ.ም በታወጀው የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጅ በዜጎች ላይ ከተጣሉት ገደቦች ውስጥ የተወሰኑት እንዲነሱ መደረጋቸው ጠቁመዋል። ለምሳሌ፣ ዜጎች ከምሽቱ 12፡00 ጀምሮ በተቋማትና በኢንቨስትመንት ፐሮጀክቶች አከባቢ እንዳይንቀሳቀሱ የሚያግደው የሰዓት ገደብ ተነስቷል። ከዚህ በተጨማረሪ፣ ኮማንድ ፖስቱ በአዋጁ መሰረት አነሳሳሽ (inciting) የሆኑ የሚዲያ መረጃዎችን መከታተል እንደሚያቆም ገልጧል። የሚኒስትሩ መግለጫ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ ሊራዘም እንደሚችል ጠቋሚ ነበር።

አዋጁ ተግባራዊ የሆነው በይፋ ከመታወጁ በፊት ነው

አስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ የታወጀበትን መሰረታዊ ምክንያት በዝርዝር ስንመለከት ግን ነገሩ ከጠበቅነው ውጪ ይሆናል። ምክንያቱም፣ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ ተግባራዊ የሆነው ከመታወጁ አንድ ወር በፊት ቀደም ብሎ፣ በነሃሴ 2008 ዓ.ም ነበር። ሌላው የአስኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ መራዘሙ እርግጥ የሆነው ዛሬ ሳይሆን ከስድስት ወራት በፊት ገና አዋጁ ሲታወጅ ነበር። ለምንና እንዴት?

በእርግጥ ብዙዎቻችን የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ የታወጀበት ምክንያት በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች የፀጥታና አለመረጋጋት ችግር ስለተከሰተ እንደሆነ እናስባለን። ነገር ግን፣ በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ በስፋት የተጀመረው ከታህሳስ 2008 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ ነው። ከዚያ በኋ ችግሩ ይበልጥ እየተስፋፋ ሄዶ በነሃሴ ወር መጨረሻ ላይ የሀገሪቱ ጠ/ሚኒስትር “ሁሉም የፀጥታ ኃይሎች የሕግ የበላይነትን እንዲያስከብሩ አዝዣለሁ” በማለት መንግስት ሙሉ አቅሙን ተጠቅሞ የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴውን በሃይል ለማዳፈን መሞከሩ ይታወሳል። ሆኖም ግን፣ የፀጥታ ኃይሎች በሕዝቡ ላይ የሚወስዱት ያልተመጣጠነ የኃይል እርምጃ ሕዝባዊ አመፅና ተቃውሞውን ይበልጥ አባብሶታል። በመጨረሻም መስከረም 2009 ዓ.ም መገባደጃ ላይ በኢሬቻ በዓል ላይ የደረሰውን አደጋ ተከትሎ በተለያዩ የኦሮሚያ አከባቢዎች በመንግስትና ግል ንብረት ላይ ጉዳት መድረሱን ተከትሎ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ ታወጀ።

በእርግጥ ጠ/ሚ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ ነሃሴ 24/2008 ዓ.ም “ሁሉም የፀጥታ ኃይሎች የሕግ የበላይነትን እንዲያስከብሩ አዝዣለሁ” በማለት የሰጡት መመሪያ በተግባር ከአስቸኳይ ግዜ አወጁ ጋር ፍፁም ተመሣሣይ ነበር። ይሁን እንጂ፣ ለ10 ወራት ያህል ሀገሪቱ በአመፅና ተቃውሞ ስትናጥ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጅ በግልፅ አልታወጀም ነበር። የአመፅና አለመረጋጋት ችግሩን ለመግታት ከሆነ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ መታወጅ የነበረበት በ2008 ዓ.ም የታህሳስ ወይም ነሃሴ ወር ላይ ነበር።

በመስከረም ወር መጨረሻ ላይ የታወጀበት ምክንያት ላለፉት አስር ወራት ባልታየ መልኩ በሕዝብና መንግስት ንብረት ላይ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ስለደረሰ ነው። ስለዚህ፣ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ በንብረት ላይ የሚደርሰውን ጉዳት ለመከላከል እንጂ የአመፅና አለመረጋጋት ችግሩን ለመቅረፍ አይደለም። ምክንያቱም፣ ከ15 ቀናት በፊት የመከላከያ ሚኒስትሩ በሰጡት መግለጫ መሰረት፣ በተለይ ከምሽቱ 12፡00 ጀምሮ በተቋማትና በኢንቨስትመንት ፐሮጀክቶች አከባቢ እንዳይንቀሳቀሱ በዜጎች ላይ ተጥሎ የነበረው የሰዓት እገዳ መነሳቱ በሕዝብና መንግስት ንብረት ላይ ጉዳት ይደርሳል የሚለውን ስጋት ከሞላ ጎደል ማስወገድ እንደተቻለ በግልፅ ይጠቁማል። ታዲያ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ ማራዘም ለምን አስፈለገ? ጥያቄውን በግልፅ ለመመለስ በ2008 ዓ.ም የጀመረው የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴው በዝርዝር መመልከት ያስፈልጋል።

የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ ሲጀመር በመጀመሪያ በቦታው ደርሶ ሁኔታዎችን ለመቆጣጠር ጥረት የሚያደርገው የአከባቢው ፖሊሶች ናቸው። ሁኔታው ከከተማ፥ ወረዳና ዞን ፖሊስ አቅም በላይ ሲሆን የክልል ልዩ ፖሊስ ይመጣል። ከዚያ በመቀጠል የፌዴራል ፖሊስ እና የሀገር መከላከያ ሠራዊት ይከተላሉ። ከታህሳስ 2008 ዓ.ም እስከ መስከረም 2009 ዓ.ም ድረስ በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች የተነሳውን የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ ለመቆጣጠር የተደረገው ጥረት በዚህ ቅድም-ተከተል መሰረት ነበር።

በዞን፥ ወረዳና ከተማ ደረጃ ያሉ የፖሊስ አባላት ሕዝባዊ መሰረት ያለው የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴን መቆጣጠር አይችሉም። ምክንያቱም፣ ፖሊሶቹም የማህብረሰቡ አባላት እንደመሆናቸው መጠን ከአብዛኛው የሕብረተሰብ ክፍል መነጠል አይሹም። በተመሣሣይ፣ የክልል ልዩ ፖሊሶች በአብዛኛው ከከተማው የሕብረተሰብ ክፍል ጋር ረዘም ላለ ግዜ በአብሮነት ያሳለፉ፣ በብሔር እና ቋንቋ የሚግባቡ ስለሆነ ለሕዝቡ ጥያቄ የእኔነት ስሜት አላቸው። እነዚህ ኃይሎች ከታህሳስ እስከ ነሃሴ 2008 ዓ.ም በተለይ በኦሮሚና አማራ ክልል የተነሱ የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴዎችን ለመቆጣጠር ተስኗቸው እንደነበር ይታወቃል።

በእርግጥ የፌደራል ፖሊስ አደረጃጀት ከክልል ልዩ ፖሊስ እና ከአከባቢው ፖሊሶች የተለየ ቢሆንም በተወሰነ ግዜ በተለያዩ አከባቢዎች የሚነሱ የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴዎችን በአንድ ግዜ ለመቆጣጠር የሚያስችል አቅም የለውም። ስለዚህ፣ በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች የሚነሱ የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴዎችን ረዘም ላለ ግዜ በአንድ አከባቢ በመቆየት ችግሩን መቆጣጠር የሚችለው የሀገር መከላከያ ሠራዊት ብቻ ነው።

በተለይ በ2008 ዓ.ም የመጨረሻዎቹ ሁለት ወራት በተለይ በአማራና ኦሮሚያ ክልል የነበረው የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ ከአከባቢ ፖሊሶች፣ ከክልል ልዩ ኃይል እና ከፌዴራል ፖሊሶች አቅም በላይ እየሆነ መምጣቱ ይታወሳል። ነበክልል ደረጃ ያሉ የፀጥታ ኃይሎች፡- የክልል ልዩ ፖሊስ፣ እና የዞን፥ ወረዳና ከተማ ፖሊሶች በአከባቢያቸው የሚነሱ የአመፅና አለመረጋጋት ችግሮችን ያለ ፌዴራል ፖሊስ ወይም መከላከያ ሠራዊት ድጋፍ መቆጣጠር ተስኗቸው ነበር። በዚህ ረገድ በአማራ ክልል ልዩ ፖሊስ እና በፌዴራል ፖሊሶች መካከል የነበረውን ክፍተት እንደማሳያ መጥቀስ ይቻላል።

ከዚህ በተጨማሪ፣ የፌደራል ፖሊስ በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች የሚፈጠሩ የፀጥታና አለመረጋጋት ችግሮችን በአንድ ግዜ ለመቆጣጠር የሚያስችል ተቋማዊ አቅም የለውም። ስለዚህ፣ በነሃሴ ወር መጨረሻ ላይ ጠ/ሚኒስትሩ “ሁሉም የፀጥታ ኃይሎች የሕግ የበላይነትን እንዲያስከብሩ አዝዣለሁ” በማለት መመሪያ የሰጡበት መሰረታዊ ምክንያት የመከላከያ ሠራዊቱን እንደ ፖሊስ በመጠቀም የተፈጠረውን ክፍተት ለማስወገድና የፀጥታ ችግሩን ለመቅረፍ ነበር።

በነሃሴ ወር መጨረሻ ላይ ጠ/ሚኒስትር ኃይለማሪያም የሰጡት መመሪያ ዝርዝር የአፈፃፀም ስላልወጣለት እንጂ ከወር በኋላ ከወጣው የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጅ ጋር ፍፁም ተመሣሣይ ነው። ስለዚህ፣ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ ተግባራዊ መደረግ የጀመረው በነሃሴ 2008 ዓ.ም ሲሆን በይፋ የታወጀው ደግሞ መስከረም 28/2009 ዓ.ም እንደሆነ መገንዘብ ይቻላል። ሆኖም ግን፣ ከአከባቢው ፖሊስ እስከ መከላከያ ሠራዊት ድረስ ያለው የሥልጣን እርከንና የአሰራር ቅደም ተከተል የጠ/ሚ መመሪያ በታሰበው ደረጃ ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ ምቹ አልነበረም።

ሁኔታው በዚህ መልኩ ለአንድ ወር ከቀጠለ በኋላ የኢሬቻ በዓል ደረስ። በበዓሉ ላይ የተከሰተው አደጋና እሱን ተከትሎ የተፈጠረው የአመፅና ሁከት መንግስትን አጣብቂኝ ውስጥ ከትቶታል። በወቅቱ መንግስት የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጅ ከማወጅ በስተቀር ሌላ ምርጫና አማራ አልነበረውም። በአዋጁ አማካኝነት ከላይ የተጠቀሰውን የአሰራር ቅድመ ሁኔታ በማንሳት የመከላከያ ሠራዊቱን በቀጥታ እንደ ፖሊስና ፀጥታ አስከባሪ በመጠቀም ሁኔታዎችን ካልተቆጣጠረ በስተቀር የመንግስታዊ ሥርዓቱ ሕልውና አደጋ ይወድቅ ነበር።

የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁ ከተነሳ በኋላ በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች የአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ ቢነሳ እንደ መከላከያ ሠራዊቱ በአንድ ግዜ በተለያየ ቦታ ደርሶ ችግሩን ለመቆጣጠር የሚያስችል አቅም ያለው ኃይል አለ? የለም! ታዲያ፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት አዋጁ ከማራዘም ሌላ ምን አማራጭ አለው?

የመንግስትና ሕዝብ ምርጫ የሌለው አማራጭ!

ከላይ ለቀረበው ጥያቄ የምንሰጠው ምላሽ እንደየግዜው ይለያያል። በቅድሚያ ግን በተለይ ከ2008 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች ለተከሰተው የአመፅና አለመረጋጋት ችግር መንስዔን በአጭሩ እንመልከት። ሀገሪቱ አሁን ለገባችበት የፀጥታና አለመረጋጋት ችግር መንስዔው የዜጎች ዴሞክራሲያዊ መብትና ነፃነት አለመከበሩ፣ የመልካም አስተዳደር እጦት የፈጠረው ምሬት፣ የብዙሃኑን እኩልነትና ፍትሃዊ ተጠቃሚነት የማያረጋግጥ የመንግስት ሥራና አሰራር የፈጠረው ብሶት፣ እና የመሳሰሉት ፖለቲካዊና አስተዳደራዊ ችግሮች ናቸው።
ከላይ የተጠቀሱትን ፖለቲካዊና አስተዳደራዊ ችግሮች በሰለጠነ መንገድ ለመፍታት የሚቻለው ከግዜ ወደ ግዜ እየዳበረ በሚሄድ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓት አማካኝነት ነው። ነገር ግን፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት ባለፉት አስር አመታት በተለይ የፀረ ሽብር አዋጅ የመረጃ ነፃነትና ሚዲያ አዋጅ፣ የበጎ አድራጎት ድርጅቶችና ማህበራት ማቋቋሚያ አዋጅ፣ …ወዘተ የመሳሰሉትን ሕገ-መንግስቱን የሚፃረሩና የዜጎችን ዴሞክራሲያዊ መብትና ነፃነት የሚገድቡ አዋጆችን በማውጣት እና እነዚህን አዋጆች አስታኮ በሚስዳቸው ኢ-ፍትሃዊ እርምጃዎች ምክንያት የዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓት መዋቅር ሙሉ በሙሉ አፍርሶታል። በተለይ ከ1997 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ ሕዝቡ የሚያነሳቸውን ፖለቲካዊና አስተዳደራዊ ችግሮችን በሰለጠነ መንገድ ለመፍታት በሚያስችል መልኩ ዴሞክራሲያዊነትን እያጎለበተ ከመሄድ ይልቅ አምባገነናዊ ፈላጭ-ቆራጭነትን እያዳበረ መጥቷል።

ከገዢው ፓርቲ የፖለቲካ ወገንተኝነትና ተፅዕኖ ነፃ ሆኖ ሃሳብና አመለካከቱን የሚገልፅበት ነፃ ሚዲያ ከሌለ፤ ድጋፍና ተቃውሞውን፣ አቤቱታና ቅሬታውን የሚያስተጋባለት አማራጭ የፖለቲካ ኃይል ከሌለ፤ የላቀ የፖለቲካ ተሳትፎ እንዲኖረው የሚያግዙ የሲቭል ማህበራት ከሌሉ፣ እንዲሁም ገዢው ፓርቲ በውስጡ የተለየ አቋምና አመለካከት ያላቸው አባላትና አመራሮችን በአግባቡ ተቀብሎ የማያስተናግድ ከሆነ ሕዝቡን ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ እንዳይነሳሳ፣ ሀገሪቷንም ከፅጥታና አለመረጋጋት ችግር መታደግ አይቻልም?

በዚህ የፈረሰ መዋቅር ላይ የእኩልነትና ፍትሃዊ ተጠቃሚነት ጥያቄ የሚያስነሱ የልማት ሥራዎችና የአገልግሎት አሰጣጥ፣ እንዲሁም ሥር የሰደደ የመልካም አስተዳደር ችግር ሲታከልበት ከአመፅና ተቃውሞ በስተቀር ሕዝቡ ሌላ ምርጫ የለውም። ስለዚህ፣ የፈረሰውን የዴሞክራሲ መዋቅር መልሶ መገንባት እስካልተቻለ ድረስ ሕዝብ ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ አደባባይ መውጣቱን አያቆምም። በተመሣሣይ፣ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁን ከማራዘም በስተቀር ሌላ ምርጫ የለውም። ምክንያቱም፣ ሕዝቡን መብትና ነፃነት እየነፈገና አስተዳደራዊ በደል እየፈፀመበት፣ ሃሳብና ብሶቱን፥ አቤቱታና ምሬቱን እንዳይገልፅ በጉልበት የሚያፍነው ከሆነ ለአመፅና ተቃውሞ አደባባይ ከመውጣት በስተቀር ሌላ አማራጭ የለውም።

ያለ ቅጥ የታፈነ ነገር በድንገት ይፈነዳል። የኢህአዴግ መንግስት በዴሞክራሲና መልካም አስተዳደር እጦት የታፈነውን ሕዝብ መልሶ በጉልበት ሲያፍነው አመፅና ተቃውሞ በድንገት መፈንዳቱ አይቀርም። ስለዚህ፣ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁን በማራዘም የመከላከያ ሠራዊቱ የፖሊስና የፀጥታ አስከባሪዎችን ሥራና ተግባራ እያሰራ ካላስቀጠለው በስተቀር ሀገሪቷ በድንገተኛ አመፅና ተቃውሞ ልትናጥ፣ በዚህም የገዢው ፓርቲ ሕልውና አደጋ ላይ ሊወድቅ እንደሚችል መገመት ቀላል ነው።

ቀደም ሲል ለመግለፅ እንደተሞከረው፣ በቀጣይ ከሕዝቡ ሊነሳ የሚችለውን አመፅና ተቃውሞ እንቅስቃሴ ከመከላከያ ሠራዊት በስተቀር መቆጣጠር የሚችል ኃይል የለም። በመሰረቱ፣ መከላከያ ሠራዊት ድርሻና ኃላፊነት የሕዝብን ሰላምና የሀገርን ሉዓላዊነት ከጠላት መከላከል ነው። ሠራዊቱ የሰለጠነው ጠላትን ለመዋጋት እንጂ ሕዝብና መንግስትን ለመዳኘት አይደለም።

ሰለምና ሉዓላዊነትን ከማስከበር ባለፈ የፖሊስን ተግባር እየተወጣ፣ የመንግስትን ክፍተት እየሸፈነ እና የሕዝብን ጥያቄ ወደ ጎን እየገፋ መቀጠል አይችልም። ስለዚህ፣ ከተወሰነ ግዜ በኋላ የመከላከያ ሠራዊት ለኢህአዴግ መንግስት የሥልጣን ማራዘሚያ ሆኖ መቀጠል ይሳነዋል። ይህ መቼ እንደሚሆን በእርግጠኝነት መገመት ቢከብድም ግዜው የኢህአዴግ መንግስት መጨረሻ ስለመሆኑ ግን ጥርጥር የለውም። ከዚህ አንፃር፣ ሥር-ነቀል ታሃድሶ ከማድረግ ይልቅ የአስቸኳይ ግዜ አዋጁን በማራዘም ችግሩን ለማድበስበስ መሞከር ራስን ለውድቀት ማመቻቸት ነው።

Source:https://ethiothinkthank.com/2017/03/30/the-government-has-no-option-other-than-extending-the-state-of-emergency/