በኢትዮጵያ ባለፉት 5 ዓመታት ብቻ ከ70 ቢሊዮን ብር በላይ ገንዘብ ወደ ውጭ ተሻግሯል

ግንቦት ፳፯ (ሃያ ሰባት) ቀን ፳፻፯ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :-ግሎባል ፋይናንሻል ኢንተግሪቲ ባወጣው ልዩ ዘገባ በፈረንጆች አቆጣጠር ከ2008 እስከ 2012 ባለው ጊዜ ውስጥ ከኢትዮጵያ በተለያዩ ህገወጥ መንገዶች ከ70 በሊዮን ብር ወይም

ከ3 ቢሊዮን 550 ሚሊዮን ዶላር በላይ ገንዘብ ወደ ውጭ ወጥቷል።
በ5 ዓመታት ውስጥ ተሰርቆ የወጣው ገንዘብ ወደ አገሪቱ ከገባው የውጭ የቀጥታ ኢንቨስትመንት መጠን ጋር ሲተያይ በ1 ሺ 355 በመቶ ይልቃል። ከአገሪቱ አጠቃላይ አመታዊ ምርት ጋር ሲነጻጸር ደግሞ 11 ነጥብ 2 በመቶ ይሸፍናል።
ተቋሙ በህገወጥ መንገድ የሚወጣው ገንዘብ በአገሪቱ ውስጥ ድህነትን እያባበሰ፣ በዜጎች መካከል ኢፍትሃዊ የሆነ የሃብት ክፍፍል ልዩነት እየፈጠረ እንዲሁም ዝቅተኛ የሆነ የሰዎች ልማት እንዲፈጠር እያደረገ ነው።
ከ82 በላይ አገሮችን ያጠናው ተቋሙ፣ ገንዘብ ወደ ውጭ ከሚሸሽባቸው መንገዶች ማካከል የተጭበረበረ ንግድና ሙስናና ዋነኞቹ ናቸው ብሎአል።
ከድሃ አገሮች በህገወጥ መንገድ የሚወጣውን የበለጸጉት አገሮችና የተባባሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት እንዲያስቆሙ ደርጅቱ ጠይቋል። በሚቀጥለው ወር በአዲስ አበባ በሚደረገው ሶስተኛው የልማት እርዳታ ላይ መንግስታት ትኩረት እንዲያደርጉበት
የተለያዩ የፖሊሲ አማራጮች አቅርበዋል።
ተቋሙ ከዚህ ቀደም በፈረንጆች አቆጣጠር ከ200 -2009 ባሉት አመታት 11 ቢሊዮን ዶላር የሚጠጋ ገንዘብ ወደ ውጭ መውጣቱን ይፋ አድርጎ ነበር።

Source:http://ethsat

Ethiopia: Making Sense Of 100 Percent Election Victory – OpEd

By Messay Kebede

According to the National Election Board of Ethiopia, the result of last week’s national election is that the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) has achieved a complete victory by grabbing all the parliamentary seats. The same board and the Ethiopian government qualified the result as a triumph of democracy, which leads one to assume that in today’s Ethiopia the progress of democracy is measured by the size of exclusion of opposition parties from parliamentary participation. In 1995, the process resulted in 75 seats to various opposition parties; then it evolved to one representative in 2010; until it has reached the present stage of advanced democracy with zero representative from the opposition. Bravo to the EPRDF! Be it noted that this novel interpretation of democracy seems to be endorsed by the American government through the authoritative voice of Wendy Sherman, the Under Secretary for Political Affairs (go to http://www.diretube.com/ethiopia/under-secretary-of-state-wendy-sherman-talking-about-ethiopia-video_851c48f3b.html) The only step remaining to achieve the apex of democracy is the banning of opposition parties, obvious as it is that they have become obsolete.

On a serious note, last week’s election appears very enigmatic to many observers. For one thing, in view of the creeping discontent in the country, which is even expressed outwardly here and there, in view also of the paranoia of the regime showing an unprecedented level of mobilization of its repressive forces to intimidate voters and stifle dissenting voices, a complete parliamentary victory strikes by its utter impossibility. There is only one possible conclusion: not only the election was not free and fair, but it was also subjected to fraudulent practices, such as stealing or eliminating votes supporting the opposition.

The question that comes to mind is the following: if neither the people and opposition parties give an iota of credibility to the official result, nor for that matter the officials and the cadres of the ruling party themselves––since they used all repressive and fraudulent means to eliminate the opposition––in a word, if nobody lends any credibility to the official outcome, why is the ruling party going through such a costly, time-consuming, and utterly useless exercise? What is the expected gain?

Can we say that the election serves the purpose of renewing legitimacy? But how can a government renew legitimacy by claiming an unbelievable victory? Who falls for a score of 100 percent? What about the international community? Perhaps, but again provided that you come up with something believable, and 100 percent is not believable. Accordingly, such a score defeats its purpose, if it is legitimacy.

This is what is most perplexing: a lesser score (say, for example, of 80 percent) would have gained some credibility without, however, endangering the hegemony of the ruling party. Indeed, why not leave some seats to the opposition? So long as the ruling party retains an overwhelming majority, the opposition does not present any risk. What is more, the presence of the opposition, however negligible, would give some sense to the voting process in the parliament.

There is more: in turning the election into a process of elimination of the opposition by all means necessary, the government and the ruling party are loudly telling the Ethiopian people that any hope of change through peaceful means is just an illusion. This is none other than forcing the people to seek other means, namely, violent forms of struggle, such as uprisings and armed struggle. It is hard to understand why a government would push its own people to violent methods.

If, instead of renewing legitimacy, a score of 100 percent only succeeds in cornering people to violent means, why on earth would a government adopt such a detrimental policy? We only saw negative sides. Where is the gain? The huge enigma here is that, unlike most dictatorial states, the regime in Ethiopia has recognized multiple opposition parties, even if it has restricted their activities to what it deems tolerable. While the general rule for dictatorial regimes is to ban opposition parties altogether, the Ethiopian regime recognizes them except that it does not want them in parliament. Since in both cases the result is the same, the behavior of the Ethiopian regime may become intelligible if we get hold of the reason why even dictatorial regimes that ban opposition parties organize elections.

Where no opposition parties exist, the purpose of election cannot be the achievement of victory. As there is no contest, the claim of victory would be simply surreal. By contrast, single-party regimes are concerned with the number of people who come out to vote, the issue being to get out the maximum number of voters by all means necessary. Clearly, the objective is not to gain the majority of votes; rather, it is to demonstrate force. Elections are meant to show the extent of the control of the government and the ruling party over the people. The less the people like the regime, the higher is its need to show the maximum electoral score, thereby displaying its invincibility. The message is then clear enough: even if you do not like the regime, there is nothing you can do about it. As such, it is a celebration of defiance, a parade, a showoff of political force.

It seems to me that the dominant party in the governmental coalition, the TPLF (Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front), has perfected the meaning of election under dictatorial rule: unlike one-party dictatorships, it recognizes opposition parties, allows them some freedom of maneuver, only to deprive them of even one seat in the parliament as a manifestation of its absolute hegemony. This is none other than an extreme form of political bullying, as in the case when a child donates his toy to another child and takes it back after some time as a way of showing his dominance by aggravating the frustration of the other child.

The ultimate goal of this political bullying is, of course, the inculcation of submission through the sense of hopelessness. While in democratic countries, elections establish the legitimacy of states through the exercise of popular sovereignty, in dictatorial regimes, like that of the TPLF, they are periodical rituals displaying the submission of the people. To the extent that these elections raise and then dash hopes for change, they renew the sense of hopelessness of the people, and so deepen their resignation.

* Messay Kebede is professor of philosophy at the University of Dayton, Ohio (USA). He previously taught philosophy at Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia). He is the author of five books: Meaning and Development (1994), Survival and Modernization—Ethiopia’s Enigmatic Present (1999), Africa’s Quest for a Philosophy of Decolonization (2004), Radicalism and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia, 1960-1974 (2008), and Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution (2011). He has also published numerous articles in professional and nonprofessional journals.

Source: http://www.eurasiareview.com/04062015-ethiopia-making-sense-of-100-percent-election-victory-oped/

Over 47, 000 S/Sudan refugees relocated in Ethiopia

Copyright : APA

The relocation of South Sudanese refugees from the flooded Leitchuor and Nip Nip camps in Ethiopia was successfully completed with a total of 47,038 of them consisting of 11,182 households relocated to Jewi camp.In a statement issued on Thursday, UNHCR said 44,422 refugees were relocated from Leitchuor camp and 2,616 others were from Nip Nip camp.

The statement said South Sudanese refugees continue to arrive in Gambella state of Ethiopia at a daily average rate of 400 people.

The majority of the new arrivals originated from Longechuk (Mathiang), Nasir, Ulang Maban and Akobo counties of South Sudan.

The new arrivals mentioned armed conflict, food insecurity and search for missing family members as the main reasons for their flight.

The cumulative figure of new arrivals from South Sudan from 15 December 2013 is 208,700, including 205,565 in Gambella and 3,135 in the Benishangul-Gumuz Region near Assosa.

71 percent of the new arrivals are female and 67% are children.

This brings the South Sudanese refugee population in Ethiopia to 272,964 refugees including the 64,264 refugees who arrived before December 2013.

Signature : APA

Copyright : © APA

Ethiopia Spymaster infiltrates Kenya Police

David Kimaiyo, Kenyan Inspector General of Police. COURTESY PHOTO

By Kasembeli Albert

Anxiety has gripped the Kenyan corridors of power and the National Police Service Commission  (NPSC) after it emerged that Ethiopian National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) has infiltrated the Kenya police service and established a unit within, which pays allegiance to NISS and executes orders from Addis Ababa.

Security pundits consider this an act of treason on the part of Kenya police officers involved.

Despite notification from the Kenya spy-master – National Security Intelligence Services (NSIS), sources intimated to The Sunday Express that nothing had been done to avert the lurking threat to the national security by such infiltration by a foreign agency.

“This guys are operating with impunity as though they are no longer officers of the National police Service,” said a senior police officer at Vigilance House.

When contacted the Inspector General, David Kimaiyo denied knowledge of such a unit operating under his arm bit. “Am not aware of that. In fact am hearing it from you,” said Kimaiyo.

Though officials at the Ethiopian Embassy in Nairobi declined to comment on the matter only referring as to Addis Abba, our sources within the embassy divulged that 50 polices officers are on the pay roll of the Ethiopia Government.

The officers under the command of senior police officer based in Nairobi received a total monthly payment of 900,000 Ethiopia Birr (KSh4.5 million) monthly minus the allowances and money meant to facilitate specific operations. The officers are said to live a lavish life and are accessible to top of the range cars.

Even as Ethiopia appears to be using the old spying system. Questions are emerging as to why the government has never taken stern measures against officers involved including charging them with treason because it is clear espionage.

Security analyst Simiyu Werunga attributes this to poor pay and deplorable working conditions, leaving the officers more vulnerable to corruption and bribery. “The government should take a stern action against the suspects for having taken part in criminal activities against their country even after taking an oath,” he said.

It is worth noting that NISS is a very powerful and dreaded organ of Ethiopia’s totalitarian government. It is to protect national security by providing quality intelligence and reliable security services. Under the plans presented, it is accountable to the Prime Minister. The agency has a wide permit to lead intelligence and security work both inside and outside Ethiopia.

“The unit specifically compiles intelligence reports as to specifics missions as requests made by Addis,” said a source privy to operations of the unit. The unit too specifically monitors the operations of Ethiopian dissidents and refugees living in Kenya.

The unit is also said to be responsible for kidnappings of Ethiopian refuges and dissidents and their subsequent repatriation to Addis Ababa where they face death, brutality and long prison sentences. The unit has specific detail to trail their eyes on Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oganden National Liberation Front (ONLF).

Last week, two police officers appeared in court charged with alleged abduction of two ONLF leaders in Nairobi. On January 26, two top officials of ONLF were abducted from outside a popular restaurant in Upper Hill, Nairobi. The two who were identified as Mr Sulub Ahmed and Ali Hussein were members of the ONLF negotiation team that was in Nairobi for a proposed third round of talks.

It is claimed security agencies from Ethiopia and Kenya were involved in the kidnapping. They were abducted by men who were in three waiting cars. One of the cars, a black Toyota Prado was seized and detained at the Turbi police station on Monday but the two were missing amid speculation they had been taken across to Ethiopia. The ONLF officials were invited by the Kenyan government for peace negotiations.

The two officers charged, a Chief Inspector Painito Bera Ng’ang’ai and Constable James Ngaparini are attached to Nairobi Area CID. He added the officers had been identified by witnesses as having participated in the abduction of Mr Sulub Ahmed and Ali Hussein who were members of the ONLF negotiation team that was in Nairobi for a proposed third round of talks.

Last week, the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) wrote to President Uhuru Kenyatta expressing its deep concern regarding the safety of four Oromo refugees from Ethiopia who were arbitrarily arrested by Kenyan anti-terrorist squad from Isili area in Nairobi on different dates of operations and taken to unknown destinations.

According documents in our possession,  Mr. Tumsa Roba Katiso, (UNHCR attestation File#: NETH033036/1) was arrested by people claiming to by a team of Kenyan police, who arrived at the scene in two vehicles, on February 1, 2014 at around 10:00 AM from 2nd Avenue Eastleigh Nairobi on his way home from shopping. The other three refugees, Mr. Chala Abdalla, Mr.Namme Abdalla, and the third person whose name is not known yet were picked up from their home which is located in the same vicinity.

They are alleged to have been picked by the special police squad on the payroll of Addis Ababa. The whereabouts of those Ethiopian-Oromo refugees is unknown until the time of going to press.

The HRLHA is highly suspicious that those Ethiopian-Oromo refugees might have been deported to Ethiopia. And, in case those Ethiopian-Oromo refugees have been deported, the Ethiopian Government has a well-documented record of gross and flagrant violations of human rights, including the torturing of its own citizens who were involuntarily returned to the country.

The government of Ethiopia routinely imprisons such persons and sentences them to up to life in prison, and often impose death penalty. There have been credible reports of physical and psychological abuses committed against individuals in Ethiopian official prisons and other unofficial or secret detention centres.

Under Article 33 (1) of the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (189 U.N.T.S. 150), to which Kenya is a party, “[n]o contracting state shall expel or forcibly return a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his . . . political opinion.”

This obligation, which is also a principle of customary international law, applies to both asylum seekers and refugees, as affirmed by UNHCR’s Executive Committee and the United Nations General Assembly. By deporting the four refugees and others, the Kenyan Government will be breaching its obligations under international treaties as well as customary law.

Though some government officials denied it is official government policy, the Kenyan Government is well known for handing over refugees to the Ethiopian Government by violating the above mentioned international obligations. Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda, who died on August 24, 2013 in Ethiopia’s grand jail of Kaliti due1 to torture that was inflicted on him in that jail, was handed over to the Ethiopian government security agents in 2007 by the Kenyan police.

Tesfahun Chemeda was arrested by the Kenyan police, along with his close friend called Mesfin Abebe, in 2007 in Nairobi, Kenya, where both were living as refugees since 2005; and later deported to Ethiopia. The Ethiopian government detained them in an underground jail in a military camp for over one year, during which time they were subjected to severe torture and other types of inhuman treatments until when they were taken to court and changed with terrorism offences in December 2008. They were eventually sentenced to life imprisonment in March 2010.

“The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) is highly concerned about the safety and security of the above listed refugees who were recently arrested by the Kenyan anti-terrorist forces; and for those who are still living in Kenya,” said a communiqué petitioning President Kenyatta to intervene.

It urges the government of Kenya to respect the international treaties and obligations, and unconditionally release the arrested refugees, and refrain from handing over to the government of Ethiopia where they would definitely face torture and maximum punishments. It also urges all human rights agencies (local, regional and international) to join the HRLHA and condemn these illegal and inhuman acts of the Kenyan Government against defenseless refugees.

HRLHA requests western countries as well as international organizations to interfere in this matter so that the safety and security of the arrested refugees and those refugees currently staying in Kenya could be ensured.

In the recent past, the rendition of Oromo refugees has been in the news. Kenyan authorities have been accused of illegal rendition of Oromo refugees to Ethiopia   under the pretext of cracking down on the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) militias. While in Ethiopia, the individuals are allegedly arraigned before special courts where they are handed heavy jail sentences ranging from death to life in prison.

The fundamental objective of the Oromo liberation movement is to exercise the Oromo peoples’ right to national self-determination and end centuries of oppression and exploitation. The OLF believes the Oromo people are still being denied their fundamental rights by Ethiopian colonialism. According to Terfa Dibaba, head of the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) based in Germany, 21 Oromo refugees have been adducted in Nairobi and Moyale and illegally shipped to Addis Ababa where they have been locked in custody.

Some of the people abducted in Nairobi and Moyale and clandestinely whisked to Ethiopia and languishing in jail include: Jatani Kuuno, Liban Wario and Milki Doyo. These, ORA alleges, were abducted in a friend’s house in Moyale by Kenyans enlisted by the Ethiopia authorities and ferried in two Kenya government’s Land Rovers to Ethiopia.

Others are Dabaso Kutu, Libani Jatani and Deban Wario. They are currently on trial in Ethiopia. Impeccable source have confided that a Kenyan, Abrhim Dambi, the head of the head of Ethiopian Spy network detailed to track down political dissidents has now fled to Addis Ababa where he is hosted by the government after he was exposed.

 Source

Most hated, most voted!

Habtamu seyoum

According to late may 24 news of the shoddy, government affiliated website, Aiga forum, the Ethiopian people revolutionary democratic front had won 100% of the votes. It looks like Election 2015 is not different from its predecessors; the most hated party in the whole nation proclaimed as it is the sole winner of the popular Election. Delirium seems the intimate pal of the ruling party, madness looks like the chronic disease of EPRDF, Insanity found to be the intrinsic element of this gang.

At this moment, many may think ‘do we still need peaceful way of dealing with those larrikins?’

They know we hated them. Personally I will tell my children, ‘the dark ages were midwifed in Dedbit(the birth place of EPRDF).But still I do not like to advocate the use of  barrel. For them, the smell of barrel is as aromatic as scented shrubs. They were rebels who had been befriended with bloody wars. War needs not the bright minded but the dark-hearted. we need to give them what they hate. They hate mind war without a single bullet. And that is solidarity against their seasonal joke.

If you really want to scare them do not pick a gun (at least we need to wait for sometime), act in oneness, let your unity be your mopping weapon. Show them you are not small groups with a gun; show them you are the mass of great intelligence with no return and you need power back to the people.

  I used to see election time as Jesus in every five years; it made the unthinkable possible. I witnessed when the pharos get terrified like slaves, I watched the people at power get up from their hammock and worry once again. And this year I found out that it is just the continued Episode of ‘be disappointed’.  

What I looked in the pre-election week is the extended version of the last theatre ‘when the dictators get panicked’.

 An election is one of the powerful points of solidarity. An Election is capable of creating meeting of minds regardless of your religion, ethnic group; color etc. environs of the election are filled with same songs of change, unity, and oneness. This is a scary -to -death experience for the government. In previous days, it may be is easy to break every single thought of change, but now the solidified sense of togetherness is unthinkable to touch.

 That is why the ruling party had wage a silent cracking war in the pre-election days. The ruling party knows it is the most hated. To them, the only way to sweep the ballot box is showing the ultimate aggressiveness.

 The past weeks are filled with flustering moments. The police force, (that always acts as the personal guard of the authorities) was busy of jailing young politicians. The social media was swarmed by photos of stoned political party members and raided offices. Almost every political party that decides to stand the ruling party had confronted the bully side of the people at power. 

 Members of blue party in Debre Markos, members of Arena party from Mekele, members of Mederk in Oromiya and some parts of southern nations and nationalities, are some of the victims. It is amusing to see a maddened ruling party which happens to brag ‘we have enough supporters, winning the election might not be a difficult tusk’.

And there came Redwan Hussein, a man of neither intelligence nor shame. On national TV he warned the people that if there will be a problem during the election week (by problem he meant any protest after the result of the election is announced), the army is ready to do ‘’what is necessary. ‘’

Before even nothing happened all they think is the flood of protesters that seems inevitable after the results. It is obvious the ruling party will not respect any outcome. So to Redwan, it is not untimely to announce a state of emergency like statement before a single emergency matter pops. It is an implicit remark of fear within the ruling party.

The foreign journalists who came to Ethiopia to cover the election were not let free. Under the communication office of the government they are told to notify the place they need to cover and wait some kind of green light.  And latter, we read on the social media tanks and heavily armed squad is heading towards Addis Abeba. Wow! Isn’t it like s ‘whatever you vote you owe your life to us’. Mass arrest and intimidation once again engulfed the capital.

What happened on the “election day” is the climax of the batty week. From early morning up to the early evening what we read on the social media was a pure violation of the election code of conduct.

Voters, on their face book wall posted, how the members of the electoral board force them to vote for the ruling party, how they are prevented from voting the opposition groups, how observers and opposition party delegates are harassed etc.

Hiring the army as a threatening squad, spreading members of the electoral board as collaborators of the sin, holding the good for nothing African union observers to hush , we heard the bark of the Aigaians  ‘’the ruling party won 100% of the vote”.

What a success i, it is like we are going to see no opposition member in the parliament.wel come to the biggest motel of Ethiopia, where more than five hundred MPs snore to death. Muzzling the people wasn’t enough for them; they want to play with the life of the mass.

 Who knows if they are trying to show the world a new era of governance? Like the marionette prime minister lectured the Aljazeera journalist, democracy may not be only an election. Who knows in Ethiopia election is about voting who you hate most?

 I am not sure about many things. But I am sure a party that silenced the freedom of speech, the party that fill the prisons with the opposition leaders, the party that sowed tribalism, the party that force thousands to live their home and perished in the Mediterranean, the party that made being educated means nothing but a stone grinder ….is not definitely the one that is entitled to win 100%, unless otherwise there is a new law, ‘most hated most voted’.

Like St Athanasius of Alexandra even The world may be stand against me, in that case I will respond ‘’Then I am against the world.’’

My words will remain the same ‘we are neither the people that like to coronate our killers nor to see ourselves dead hand folded.’

Welcome to the new era of struggle!!!

Source: mircha.org

Death toll rises as fighting continues near Somalia-Ethiopia borderDeath toll rises as fighting continues near Somalia-Ethiopia border

(Horseed Media) — Despite calls for ceasefire, fighting has continued for a second week in villages close to the border that separates Somalia and Ethiopia, residents have said.

According to local sources, there were two clashes in three villages from Wednesday to Thursday morning, killing at least 19 people and unknown numbers injured.

A journalist in Galgadud region has told Horseed Media that the conflict has forced many families to flee from their homes and seek for refuge in remote areas.

Regional Somali government officers have described the death toll of the conflict since it started last week more than 70.

The reasons that led to the conflict it’s yet unclear, but multiple sources have told Horseed Media it’s linked to tribal disputes and pasture. Others have said the conflict erupted last week after forces from the Somali region state of Ethiopia invaded two villages close to the border.

Somalia and Ethiopian government have not officially spoken of this conflict.

In recent years, several conflicts have occurred in the Somalia-Ethiopia border mostly related to tribal and pasture disputes.

Source: ayyaantuu

Massive attack on Hamar tribes leaves several people dead

ESAT News (June 1, 2015)

ESAT sources from Hamar, Jinka, South Omo, revealed that a severe conflict between Hamar pastoralists and Ethiopian federal police claimed several lives.

The informant who want to remain anonymous told ESAT that the cause of the conflict that occurred last week was related to administrative problems. Displacing and confiscating of Hamars’ land and giving it to investors in the pretext of investment has made local people to rise against the administration. In addition, Hamar men were sued for killing buffalos in the wild. Information obtained from the area show that local administrative office force Hamar households to send their girls to school. When the girls reach the age of puberty, they are usually raped by the local high and low rank cabinet members and administrators. These atrocities angered local communities.  Yet, local administrators are not held accountable even if they commit horrible crimes against humanity.

Sources told ESAT that unknown number of cattle from Hamar were recently looted by armed Nyangatom pastoralist. The Ethiopian government did not stop, or pursue them after the incident; instead, Hamar people were asked by Ethiopian security forces gave an ultimatum to open a road that connects Nyangatom area in five days. The Defense force officers told the local leaders, “If you don’t open the road in 5 days, we [Ethiopian Defense Forces] will take severe action.”

A battalion that took orders from senior defense force officers in Addis Ababa battled local Hamar tribe warriors. The Ethiopian defense forces were reportedly used mortars, launchers, caliber machine guns and Kalashnikovs to attack Hamar armed men. It was reported that 48 people died by a mortar attack. Sources told ESAT that several people from both sides were maimed and killed.

ESAT sources revealed that people including students (Ato Bale from Lala kebele, Student Lali from Sembele kebele, Shikuwa from Shanko kebele, and Teacher Sango Leli from shanko kebele) were arrested and received heavy wounds from the butt of rifle and beatings for purportedly passing information to the local tribesmen. Even though the elders requested the security forces to negotiate, their effort proved futile. Other town residents also pleaded the Ethiopian security forces to stop ethnic cleansing in the area, but the security forces in collaboration with few local Hamar administrators killed those who revolted against the administrative offices in the area.

It is believed that several Hamar warriors retreated to a different locality due to the presence of heavy security personnel. The conflict may escalate despite a repeated plea by the local residents.